Antiestablishment Rhetoric

Author(s):  
Catherine E. De Vries ◽  
Sara B. Hobolt

This chapter studies antiestablishment rhetoric. Antiestablishment rhetoric is not only used by many political entrepreneurs to paint themselves as outsiders, but is also a core feature of populism. Populist parties aim to distinguish themselves from the political mainstream not only by advocating anti-immigration or anti-EU stances, but also by attacking the mainstream political parties. Yet the chapter shows that antiestablishment rhetoric is a strategy used not only by populist parties, but by other political parties as well. It then situates the use of antiestablishment rhetoric in the book's more general argument about party strategy and its theory of political change. Antiestablishment rhetoric by political parties is predominantly aimed at attacking the competence of competitors, and is especially used by challenger parties.

2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 1218-1230
Author(s):  
María Jesús Pozas ◽  

The article analyses the Spanish Transition from a dictatorship to a democracy as a process of political change during the period from Franco’s death in 1975 until the arrival of the Socialists to Power in 1982. Over this period, the political parties had reached a consensus, which contributed to reconciliation among the Spaniards culminating in the approval of the Constitution in 1978, which in its turn resulted in the creation of a rule-of-law state. The key people of the transition were King Juan Carlos I, who supported the democratic system; Adolfo Suárez, who became an active stateman under Franco’s regime, and was appointed Head of Government by the King during the transition; and Torcuato Fernández Miranda, President of the Franco’s Courts. During the Transition the sectarianism was abandoned, and a shared idea arose that our country was a democracy similarly to other European countries around us. The transition has been defined as a “model” because it took root, and democracy quickly consolidated. It has become a historical feat with no precedents, but above all we have to understand the historical context in which this occurred. The transition was possible thanks to genuine consensus among the Spaniards. Recently, an idea has emerged from the communist far left, and some socialists, along with separatists, connected with the 2008 crisis, which calls for the repeal of the constitutional order and the monarchy. The proponents of this idea consider monarchy a continuation of Franco’s regime. However, it is evident that the Constitution ensures and guarantees Spaniards’ rights and freedoms.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-150
Author(s):  
Andre Pareschi

During the last few years, external crises and endogenous weaknesses have combined to plunge the Italian political system into generalised instability. In particular, the major political parties have experienced rapidly turning tides in a context of intensified electoral volatility. This explorative article sets out to get an insight into the discursive struggles that have pitted these parties one against another, undergirding the ebb and flow in their respective mass support and revolving around the ways of communicating political change. To that end, I collect data from the official Facebook pages of the four main Italian parties, downloading posts they published in the period 2013–2019 via the Netvizz application, and I analyse the four corresponding textual corpora through the technique of Topic Modelling. On such bases, the article finds the overall configuration of the political discourse of Italian parties to be aptly described by a model comprising 16 topics, equally divided into ‘partisan’ and ‘cross-cutting’ ones, with the former having a slight edge in terms of diffusion. The four parties differ among themselves by the topics they focus on and by the quantity of topics they choose to include sizably in their streams of communication.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-44
Author(s):  
Keshav Bashyal

Dominance of research on Nepalis migration to India is considers as ‘for livelihood’, ‘passage of rites’, ‘taken for granted’, more importantly ’tradition’ or ‘Kamaune’ for majority of Nepalis. Nepal is an oldest nation-state of South Asia and its democracy had been, for a number of times, suspended or dismissed which forced Nepali leaders to exile in India. It still continues in different ways. Nepal’s political development is directly or indirectly influenced by political activism in India. India has been important ‘space’ for Nepal’s political change and it also has been a place for migrant’s political activism since a long time. Out of several Nepali migrants’ organizations in India, some are active in transnational political mobilizations. This study will look into the concept, evolution and contemporary discourse of the political transnationalism. It examines in the framework of transnationalism; development process of major political parties in Nepal, and situation of Nepali migrant’s political activisms in India and their associations with homeland politics.


Author(s):  
Catherine E. De Vries ◽  
Sara B. Hobolt

This chapter outlines a theory of political change. This theory conceives of party competition as a constant struggle between dominant parties, the key players on the political market trying to defend their market power, and challenger parties, acting as disruptive political entrepreneurs trying to challenge this dominance through innovation. The chapter then explores the interplay of the three main conceptual building blocks: dominance, innovation, and transformation. Innovation is the process through which political parties introduce a new or previously ignored policy issue and aim to discredit dominant parties by employing antiestablishment rhetoric. Political parties will only engage in innovation when the potential benefits of doing so outweigh the costs. Challenger parties, especially those within permissive electoral systems, are most likely to engage in innovation, because of the costs and potential electoral risks to dominant parties associated with mobilizing issues different than the ones they traditionally do. Parties that wish to innovate are likely to choose issues that allow for a high degree of appropriability, issues that are not easily subsumed within the dominant dimension and that may internally split dominant parties.


2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Haruo Nakagawa

Akin to the previous, 2014 event, with no data on voter ethnicity, no exit polls, and few post-election analyses, the 2018 Fiji election results remain something of a mystery despite the fact that there had been a significant swing in voting in favour of Opposition political parties. There have been several studies about the election results, but most of them have been done without much quantitative analyses. This study examines voting patterns of Fiji’s 2018 election by provinces, and rural-urban localities, as well as by candidates, and also compares the 2018 and 2014 elections by spending a substantial time classifying officially released data by polling stations and individual candidates. Some of the data are then further aggregated according to the political parties to which those candidates belonged. The current electoral system in Fiji is a version of a proportional system, but its use is rare and this study will provide an interesting case study of the Open List Proportional System. At the end of the analyses, this study considers possible reasons for the swing in favour of the Opposition.


wisdom ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-113
Author(s):  
Gegham HOVHANNISYAN

The article covers the manifestations and peculiarities of the ideology of socialism in the social-political life of Armenia at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. General characteristics, aims and directions of activity of the political organizations functioning in the Armenian reality within the given time-period, whose program documents feature the ideology of socialism to one degree or another, are given (Hunchakian Party, Dashnaktsutyun, Armenian Social-democrats, Specifics, Socialists-revolutionaries). The specific peculiarities of the national-political life of Armenia in the given time-period and their impact on the ideology of political forces are introduced.


Author(s):  
أ.د.عبد الجبار احمد عبد الله

In order to codify the political and partisan activity in Iraq, after a difficult labor, the Political Parties Law No. (36) for the year 2015 started and this is positive because it is not normal for the political parties and forces in Iraq to continue without a legal framework. Article (24) / paragraph (5) of the law requires that the party and its members commit themselves to the following: (To preserve the neutrality of the public office and public institutions and not to exploit it for the gains of a party or political organization). This is considered because it is illegal to exploit State institutions for partisan purposes . It is a moral duty before the politician not to exploit the political parties or some of its members or those who try to speak on their behalf directly or indirectly to achieve partisan gains. Or personality against other personalities and parties at the expense of the university entity.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 82
Author(s):  
Mhd Alfahjri Sukri

This research was conducted to see how Mohammad Natsir thought about the relationship between Islam and Pancasila. This study also explains the causes of Natsir's change of mind which initially supported Pancasila as part of Islam and later turned into an opponent of Pancasila in Konstituante on 11 November to 6 December 1957. The methodology used was a qualitative method by describing the results of the analysis carried out. The research data is obtained through a review of documents and scientific literature. The results of the study show that Mohammad Natsir's change of mind regarding the relationship between Islam and Pancasila was influenced by Mohammad Natsir's political socialization which began from Natsir's view of Islam influenced by the childhood environment (conditional and socio-cultural) in Minangkabau; direct influence from national figures such as Ahmad Hassan, H. Agus Salim, Sheikh Ahmad Syurkati and H. O Tjokroaminoto; the indirect influence of international figures throughout reading book such as Hassan Al-Banna, Amir Syakib Arselan, Rashid Ridha and Muhammad Abduh; the influence of Natsir's organization and political parties, namely Jong Islamieten Bond (JIB), Islamic Unity (Persis), and Masyumi political parties; and the influence of the political conditions at that time which made Natsir's views change, which initially accepted Pancasila and then became an opponent of the Pancasila. This research shown there are two patterns of Natsir's relationship with Pancasila, namely (1) Natsir accepted Pancasila and, (2) Natsir opposed Pancasila.


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