scholarly journals Analisis Kepentingan Jerman dalam Pengiriman Main Battle Tank Leopard ke Indonesia (2012-2017)

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-92
Author(s):  
Valery Ilhamna Putri

This article is intended to analyze the reason behind the shipment of Main Battle Tank (MBT) Leopard by Germany to Indonesia from the year of 2012 until year 2017. Arms transfer is used with the purpose to increase wealth, power and to produce innovation in production of military power of a state. Arms transfer is an essential part from international security structure because it can influence a shift in local and regional power. This article argued that there are three power dimensions along with the intended influence in arms transfer pursued by supplier country. The intended power dimensions are bargaining power, structural power, and hegemonic power. At the end of the article, it is concluded that three power dimensions stated above complete and relate to each other to fulfill the supplier country's interest.

Author(s):  
Érico Esteves Duarte

This article searches for a preliminary, but structured, assessment of the international security landscape of the 21st century. It focuses on the predictions of offensive realism (Mearsheimer 2001), which are contrasted with conceptual propositions about international standards of unipolarity (Wohlforth 1999; Diniz 2006) and data indexes on the international production of wealth, its allocations in means of military power and the appreciation of alterations in this correlation because of the 2008 Financial Crisis. The article points out that trends of power distributions do not widely favor Russia and China. However, because of the greater Chinese resilience to the crisis, the accumulated value of their military investments overcome all its neighbors and its large demand for natural resources in other countries or areas in dispute have led the organization of major systemic constraints when compared to the Russian case. The paper also shows that these dynamics of regional power do not allow reconsidering the U.S. military primacy. Finally, the article presents some final considerations of methodological and conceptual slant in order to advance on the research in international security.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Holslag

The chapter argues that India has a strong interest to balance China and that the two Asian giants will not be able grow together without conflict. However, India will not be able to balance China’s rise. The chapter argues that India remains stuck between nonalignment and nonperformance. On the one hand, it resists the prospect of a new coalition that balances China from the maritime fringes of Eurasia, especially if that coalition is led by the United States. On the other hand, it has failed to strengthen its own capabilities. Its military power lags behind China’s, its efforts to reach out to both East and Central Asia have ended in disappointment, and its economic reforms have gone nowhere. As a result of that economic underachievement, India finds itself also torn between emotional nationalism and paralyzing political fragmentation, which, in turn, will further complicate its role as a regional power.


Author(s):  
Laurent Bonnefoy

Contemporary Yemen has an image-problem. It has long fascinated travelers and artists, and to many the country embodies both Arab and Muslim authenticity; it stands at important geostrategic and commercial crossroads. Yet, strangely, Yemen is globally perceived as somehow both marginal and passive, while also being dangerous and problematic. The Saudi offensive launched in 2015 has made Yemen a victim of regional power struggles, while the global “war on terror” has labelled it a threat to international security. This perception has had disastrous effects without generating real interest in the country or its people. On the contrary, Yemen's complex political dynamics have been largely ignored by international observers--resulting in problematic, if not counterproductive, international policies. Yemen and the World aims at correcting these misconceptions and omissions, putting aside the nature of the world's interest in Yemen to focus on Yemen's role on the global stage. Laurent Bonnefoy uses six areas of modern international exchange--globalization, diplomacy, trade, migration, culture and militant Islamism--to restore Yemen to its place at the heart of contemporary affairs. To understand Yemen, he argues, is to understand the Middle East as a whole.


2008 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 44-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Taylor Fravel

Although China has been involved in twenty-three territorial disputes with its neighbors since 1949, it has used force in only six of them. The strength of a state's territorial claim, defined as its bargaining power in a dispute, offers one explanation for why and when states escalate territorial disputes to high levels of violence. This bargaining power depends on the amount of contested land that each side controls and on the military power that can be projected over the entire area under dispute. When a state's bargaining power declines relative to that of its adversary, its leaders become more pessimistic about achieving their territorial goals and face strong preventive motivations to seize disputed land or signal resolve through the use of force. Cross-sectional analysis and longitudinal case studies demonstrate that such negative shifts in bargaining power explain the majority of China's uses of force in its territorial disputes.


Author(s):  
Keisuke Iida

The linkages between security and economics are complex and have been discussed in the literature of various fields, thus defying simple classification and integration. This chapter presents a taxonomy that divides various topics into two sets of policies: policies pertaining to military power and those related to bargaining power. For example, defense spending and burden sharing in alliance, which are standard topics in the economics of defense, are categorized under the first set of policies. Export controls, which are usually discussed in entirely different contexts, are also categorized under this set. On the other hand, economic sanctions, which are a standard fare in international relations, are categorized under the second set of policies. This chapter presents the argument that security crises and dual-use technologies tie both sets of policies together. By seeking greater autonomy, Japan is engaging in a severe trade-off between strengthening their military forces and bargaining power and other foreign and economic policy objectives.


2010 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 38-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vipin Narang

A probe of various regional power nuclear postures reveals that such postures, rather than simply the acquisition of nuclear weapons, can have differential effects on deterrence and stability dynamics. The India-Pakistan dyad is a useful candidate for exploring these various effects because the three regional power nuclear postures—catalytic, assured retaliation, and asymmetric escalation—have interacted with each other in South Asia. In particular, Pakistan's shift from a catalytic posture to an asymmetric escalation posture in 1998 against a continuous Indian assured retaliation posture allows the effects of nuclear posture to be isolated in an enduring rivalry in which many variables can be held constant. The asymmetric escalation posture may be “deterrence optimal” for Pakistan, suggesting that nuclear postures do have different effects on conflict dynamics, but it has also enabled Pakistan to more aggressively pursue longstanding revisionist preferences in India, triggering more frequent and intense crises on the subcontinent. Furthermore, the command and control procedures that Pakistan undertakes to make its asymmetric escalation posture credible amplify this instability. These procedures generate risks to the safety and security of Pakistan's nuclear assets, both at present and as India and Pakistan continue to dynamically evolve nuclear and conventional postures. The conclusions for South Asian and international security of this reality are grim.


2018 ◽  
pp. 149-158
Author(s):  
Alexander Lanoszka

This concluding chapter wraps up the book by summarizing its main argument and key findings. It also describes several implications for the study of international security, especially with regards to understandings of credibility, the relationship between nuclear weapons and conventional military power, the effectiveness of coercion, American primacy, and the great power management of weaker states. It then outlines various policy implications that would be of interest to American and allied decision-makers.


Author(s):  
Pesach Malovany ◽  
Amatzia Baram ◽  
Kevin M. Woods ◽  
Ronna Englesberg

This chapter deals with Iraq’s military industry and production system. It describes its historical background, its organization and structure, its development, especially during the war against Iran and after, and its important contribution in building the military power of Iraq during Saddam’s regime. Its role in advancing the country’s economic development, establishing Iraq’s status as a regional power, gaining national prestige and strengthening Iraq’s deterrent towards its neighbours and enemies, especially Iran and Israel. It describes its various projects of conventional weapon systems, the foreign assistance they got and their achievements, especially in developing and producing long range surface to surface missiles. It also describes its role in rehabilitating the country after the 1991 war and its civilian and economic projects.


2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 538-556
Author(s):  
William Spaniel

In many contexts, patrons wish to simultaneously increase a protégé’s military power while reducing the probability of war between that protégé and its enemy. Are these goals compatible? I show that the answer is yes when states face uncertainty over a class of military allotments. Arms transfers mitigate the information problem by making both strong and weak types behave more similarly. This encourages uninformed states to make safer demands, which decreases the probability of war. As a result, transfers to the informed actor both increase bargaining power and enhance efficiency under these conditions.


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