scholarly journals 明代婦女自殺——倫理學研究的進路

2001 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 77-119
Author(s):  
Wing-yi LEE
Keyword(s):  
Suicide Attempt ◽  
Ming Dynasty ◽  
Moral Principle ◽  
Chinese Society ◽  
Moral Choice ◽  
Life And Death ◽  
Moral Principles ◽  
The Government ◽  
Marital Sex ◽  
Commit Suicide

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.現代人對於自殺的討論，普遍地從科學的觀點剖析，視之為與疾病有關。從科學的觀點而言，當事人是在受制於心理或生理的疾病影響下作出自殺的行為。他們的自殺，是處於“不由自主”、“無力選擇”下的自殺，當事人其實是“受害者”，需要的是心理輔導、醫治以預防自殺，而非對其背後所包含的價值觀予以討論。然而，有一些自殺卻不能歸納為與疾病有關。當事人的自殺，是處於自主的狀態之中，是經過深思熟慮，有其充分道德理據下的自主行為。當事人自殺的理據，是與同時代，同一社群的人所認同的道德價值觀，有著密切的關係。對當事人的自殺子以道德價值上的探討，則屬於倫理學上的討論。本文以明代的婦女自殺為例，試從倫理學研究的進路，探究古代中國人的自殺。Modern people usually discuss suicide from scientific views and treat it as a kind of disease. Suicidal behavior occurs under the influence of psychological or physiological illness; it is an involuntary behavior. People who commit suicide are deemed the "victims" of their illnesses. All what we should do is to prevent, to intervene and to postvent their suicidal behavior.However, some cases of suicide are not due to illness. They are the result of voluntary and deliberate moral choice. The reasons of committing suicide are associated with the ethical values of people in the same period of time and in the same community. For example, the moral principle of "zhen" played an important role in woman suicide of Ming Dynasty. In Ming Dynasty, " zhen" was manifested in three ways: (1) "Congi er yongzhong", women should commit suicide after the death of their husbands in order to express loyalty. (2) "Daili er zhengshi", women should commit suicide if they have inappropriate sexual relations with other people, such as pre-marital sex, in order to express their regret and to cover up their sinful behavior. (3) "Sijie", women should commit suicide in order to avoid being raped.Although the government and some intellectuals in Ming Dynasty encouraged women to commit suicide for "men", the suicide and suicide attempt cases in San Yan show that women should consider other moral principles and other values of life and death before they commit suicide. We found that the moral principle of "xiao" overrode the moral principle of "men" in some cases of woman suicide and suicide attempt in San Yan. In Chinese society, "xiao" was manifested in three ways: (l) "Fengyang shuangqin", women should keep their lives for supporting and serving their parents. (2) "Fengyang sizi", women should keep their lives for bringing up their children. (3) "Wei Jiaren Baochou", women should keep their lives for avenging their dead family members. Under the moral principle of "xiao", women should give up suicide. The purpose of this paper is to uncover the underlying values of woman suicide in Ming Dynasty and give an ethical analysis on it.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 68 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.

Justice as a Personal Virtue and Justice as an Institutional Virtue: Mencius’s Confucian Virtue Politics

2020 ◽  
Vol 2019 (4) ◽  
pp. 277-294
Author(s):  
Yong Huang
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Virtue Ethics ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
Affirmative Answer ◽  
The State ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Character Traits ◽  
Social Policies ◽  
Moral Principles ◽  
The Government

AbstractIt has been widely observed that virtue ethics, regarded as an ethics of the ancient, in contrast to deontology and consequentialism, seen as an ethics of the modern (Larmore 1996: 19–23), is experiencing an impressive revival and is becoming a strong rival to utilitarianism and deontology in the English-speaking world in the last a few decades. Despite this, it has been perceived as having an obvious weakness in comparison with its two major rivals. While both utilitarianism and deontology can at the same time serve as an ethical theory, providing guidance for individual persons and a political philosophy, offering ways to structure social institutions, virtue ethics, as it is concerned with character traits of individual persons, seems to be ill-equipped to be politically useful. In recent years, some attempts have been made to develop the so-called virtue politics, but most of them, including my own (see Huang 2014: Chapter 5), are limited to arguing for the perfectionist view that the state has the obligation to do things to help its members develop their virtues, and so the focus is still on the character traits of individual persons. However important those attempts are, such a notion of virtue politics is clearly too narrow, unless one thinks that the only job the state is supposed to do is to cultivate its people’s virtues. Yet obviously the government has many other jobs to do such as making laws and social policies, many if not most of which are not for the purpose of making people virtuous. The question is then in what sense such laws and social policies are moral in general and just in particular. Utilitarianism and deontology have their ready answers in the light of utility or moral principles respectively. Can virtue ethics provide its own answer? This paper attempts to argue for an affirmative answer to this question from the Confucian point of view, as represented by Mencius. It does so with a focus on the virtue of justice, as it is a central concept in both virtue ethics and political philosophy.

Normative Principles are Synthetic A Priori

Episteme ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 367-383
Author(s):  
Paul Boghossian
Keyword(s):  
A Priori ◽  
Moral Judgments ◽  
Moral Principle ◽  
Moral Principles ◽  
Justified Belief ◽  
Normative Concepts ◽  
Open Question Argument ◽  
Moral Domains ◽  
And Mathematics ◽  
Open Question

AbstractI argue for the claim that there are instances of a priori justified belief – in particular, justified belief in moral principles – that are not analytic, i.e., that cannot be explained solely by the understanding we have of their propositions. §1–2 provides the background necessary for understanding this claim: in particular, it distinguishes between two ways a proposition can be analytic, Basis and Constitutive, and provides the general form of a moral principle. §§3–5 consider whether Hume's Law, properly interpreted, can be established by Moore's Open Question Argument, and concludes that it cannot: while Moore's argument – appropriately modified – is effective against the idea that moral judgments are either (i) reductively analyzable or (ii) Constitutive-analytic, a different argument is needed to show that they are not (iii) Basis-analytic. Such an argument is supplied in §6. §§7–8 conclude by considering how these considerations bear on recent discussions of “alternative normative concepts”, on the epistemology of intuitions, and on the differences between disagreement in moral domains and in other a priori domains such as logic and mathematics.

Risk of suicide after attempted suicide in the population of Slovenia from 1970 to 1996

2006 ◽  
Vol 21 (6) ◽  
pp. 396-400 ◽  
Author(s):  
Slavko Ziherl ◽  
Bojan Zalar
Keyword(s):  
Suicide Attempt ◽  
Attempted Suicide ◽  
Suicide Attempts ◽  
Categorical Variables ◽  
Frequency Table ◽  
Completed Suicide ◽  
The Republic ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Log Linear ◽  
Commit Suicide

AbstractObjective:All suicide attempts cannot predict suicide, therefore we examined those characteristics of suicide attempt which could most accurately predict completed suicide.Subject and methods:Subjects were all individuals registered as committed suicides (N = 16,522) or attempted suicides (N = 15,057) in the register of suicides of the Republic of Slovenia between 1970 and 1996. Log linear analysis of a frequency table was used to uncover relationship between categorical variables.Results:The model we found fit between variables: mode, number of repetitions and type, then between number of repetitions, type and gender, and between mode, type and gender.Discussion:The risk of suicide in those who previously attempted suicide is approximately 773 times higher than the risk of suicide without a previous suicide attempt. Those who attempt suicide by hanging (hanging being in Slovenia the most frequent mode of completed suicide) are at even greater risk to commit suicide.Conclusion:Our data suggests that clinicians should heighten their awareness that any suicide attempt can in some 20% predict suicide. Someone who has attempted suicide by hanging is at the highest risk of suicide.

Don't Commit Suicide - A Suggestion by Attempters after a Suicide Attempt

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dushad Ram ◽  
Adarsh LS ◽  
Sudharani Naik
Keyword(s):  
Suicide Attempt ◽  
Commit Suicide

scholarly journals The extractive infrastructures of contact tracing apps

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 9.1-9.9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miriyam Aouragh ◽  
Seda Gürses ◽  
Helen Pritchard ◽  
Femke Snelting
Keyword(s):  
Supply Chains ◽  
Global South ◽  
Contact Tracing ◽  
Technological Application ◽  
Moral Choice ◽  
Economic Implications ◽  
Life And Death ◽  
Racial Capitalism ◽  
The World

The COVID-19 pandemic will go down in history as a major crisis, with calls for debt moratoriums that are expected to have gruesome effects in the Global South. Another tale of this crisis that would come to dominate COVID-19 news across the world was a new technological application: the contact tracing apps. In this article, we argue that both accounts ‐ economic implications for the Global South and the ideology of techno-solutionism ‐ are closely related. We map the phenomenon of the tracing app onto past and present wealth accumulations. To understand these exploitative realities, we focus on the implications of contact tracing apps and their relation with extractive technologies as we build on the notion racial capitalism. By presenting themselves in isolation of capitalism and extractivism, contact tracing apps hide raw realities, concealing the supply chains that allow the production of these technologies and the exploitative conditions of labour that make their computational magic manifest itself. As a result of this artificial separation, the technological solutionism of contract tracing apps is ultimately presented as a moral choice between life and death. We regard our work as requiring continuous undoing ‐ a necessary but unfinished formal dismantling of colonial structures through decolonial resistance.

scholarly journals Transforming Society for the Better?

MaRBLe ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nadja Aldendorff
Keyword(s):  
Moral Virtue ◽  
The State ◽  
Chinese Society ◽  
State Council ◽  
Credit System ◽  
The West ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Social Credit ◽  
The Government ◽  
Social Sorting

In 2014, the State Council of the People’s Republic of China released a document that called for the construction of a nationwide Social Credit System (SCS) with the goal to encourage sincerity and punish insincerity. The system uses blacklists that citizens land on for various cases of misbehavior, ranging from failing to pay a fine to being caught Jaywalking. This research explains the design process behind the SCS and in particular why many Chinese citizens are embracing this form of surveillance. It focuses on three topics to answer this question: the historical roots underlying the system, the perceived lack of trust in Chinese society and the comparison with concepts from surveillance theories developed in the West. From the analysis, following conclusions could be drawn: Historically, the state has often acted as a promoter and enforcer of moral virtue. The SCS fits perfectly into this tradition. The most prominent reason for the positive Chinese reaction is the lack of institutions in China that promote trust between citizens and businesses. There is a severe trust deficit which the government had to find a solution for. Regarding surveillance theory, Foucault’s concept of ‘panopticism’ shows similarities with the SCS and underlines its effectiveness in changing and steering people’s behavior while Lyon’s notion of ‘social sorting’ is used to demonstrate the potential dangers of the Chinese system.

scholarly journals Art. X.—An Account of the Paper Currency and Banking System of Fuhchowfoo

1852 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 179-189 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. Parkes
Keyword(s):  
Ming Dynasty ◽  
Banking System ◽  
Bad Faith ◽  
Regular Paper ◽  
Paper Money ◽  
Paper Currency ◽  
Complete Failure ◽  
The Late Ming Dynasty ◽  
The Government

Among the various wonderful inventions, marking the astonishing advances which the Chinese had so early made towards civilization, is that of Paper-Money, which dates as far back as the year 119 before our era. The cause that led to its introduction was the low state of the finances of the Government, who, after various other experiments, issued at last regular paper assignats, which, from the ponderous nature of the rude coin then in use, and the security that the warranty of government afforded, soon obtained extensive circulation. The government who had thus introduced this new currency, made it an object of much legislation; and various were the schemes that were started and remoulded, in the hope of permanently establishing its use. But the numerous intestine wars, and the repeated subversion of dynasties that followed, tended seriously to detract from the credit of the government; and thus, owing to its bad faith, and the excessive issues, a complete failure of the system was the result, after a lapse of five centuries having been spent in unsuccessful attempts to establish it. Government paper-money seems to have disappeared in the early part of the late Ming dynasty; and the Manchus, on their accession, never attempted to revive its use. To Klaproth we are indebted for very elaborate researches on this interesting and oft-discussed subject.

Governing Art Districts: State Control and Cultural Production in Contemporary China

2014 ◽  
Vol 219 ◽  
pp. 827-848 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yue Zhang
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Production ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Chinese Society ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Authoritarian State ◽  
Art Community ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Contemporary Chinese ◽  
Political Decisions

AbstractContemporary Chinese artists have long been marginalized in China as their ideas conflict with the mainstream political ideology. In Beijing, artists often live on the fringe of society in “artist villages,” where they almost always face the threat of being displaced owing to political decisions or urban renewal. However, in the past decade, the Chinese government began to foster the growth of contemporary Chinese arts and designated underground artist villages as art districts. This article explores the profound change in the political decisions about the art community. It argues that, despite the pluralization of Chinese society and the inroads of globalization, the government maintains control over the art community through a series of innovative mechanisms. These mechanisms create a globalization firewall, which facilitates the Chinese state in global image-building and simultaneously mitigates the impact of global forces on domestic governance. The article illuminates how the authoritarian state has adopted more sophisticated methods of governance in response to the challenges of a more sophisticated society.

scholarly journals Differences in Incidence and Risks of Suicide Attempt and Suicidal Drug Overdose between Patients with Epilepsy with and without Comorbid Depression

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (22) ◽  
pp. 4533
Author(s):  
Chi-Yu Lin ◽  
Tomor Harnod ◽  
Cheng-Li Lin ◽  
Wei-Chih Shen ◽  
Chia-Hung Kao
Keyword(s):  
Suicide Attempt ◽  
Drug Overdose ◽  
Research Database ◽  
Comorbid Depression ◽  
Hazard Ratios ◽  
Increased Risk ◽  
Crucial Information ◽  
The Government ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Patients With Epilepsy

Objective: To determine the differences in the incidences and risks of suicide attempt (SA) and suicidal drug overdose (SDO) between patients with epilepsy with and without comorbid depression by using data from Taiwan’s National Health Insurance Research Database. Methods: We analyzed data of patients (≥20 years) who had received epilepsy diagnoses between 2000 and 2012; the diagnosis date of epilepsy was defined as the index date. The epilepsy patients were divided into the cohorts, with and without comorbid depression, and compared against a cohort from the non-affected population. We calculated adjusted hazard ratios and the corresponding 95% confidence intervals for SA and SDO in the three cohorts after adjustment for age, sex, and comorbidities. Results: The incidences of SA and SDO in the cohort with epilepsy and depression were 42.9 and 97.4 per 10,000 person-years, respectively. The epilepsy with depression cohort had 21.3 times of SA risk; and 22.9 times of SDO risk than did the comparison cohort had a 6.03-fold increased risk of SA and a 2.56-fold increased risk of SDO than did the epilepsy patients without depression. Moreover, patients’ age <65 years, and female sex would further increase the risk of SA in patients with epilepsy and comorbid depression. Conclusion: Risks of SA and SDO in patients with epilepsy are proportionally increased when depression is coexisted. Our findings provide crucial information for clinicians and the government for suicide prevention and to question whether prescribing a large number of medications to patients with epilepsy and depression is safe.

Teacher, Preacher, Soldier, Martyr

2013 ◽  
Vol 53 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 315-352 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Sanagan
Keyword(s):  
Political Identity ◽  
Colonial Power ◽  
British Mandate ◽  
Life And Death ◽  
The Public ◽  
Current State ◽  
Multiple Contexts ◽  
British Colonial ◽  
The Government ◽  
State Of Israel

When Shaykh ʿIzz al-Dīn al-Qassām died in a gunfight with the Palestine Police Force in November 1935, the Government of the British Mandate for Palestine was ill prepared for the public outpouring of popular support and inspiration the imām from Haifa’s death would give to Arab Palestinian political aspirations. Al-Qassām soon became a powerful symbol in the nationalist fight against the British colonial power and subsequently the State of Israel. Al-Qassām remains a potent figure in Arab nationalist, Palestinian nationalist, and modern “Islamist” circles. The purpose of this paper is thus twofold: first, to provide an overview of the current state of the historiography on al-Qassām; and second, to add to that historiography with a recontextualized narrative of al-Qassām’s life and death. This latter part of the paper aims to fill some of the gaps with additional sources and place the findings alongside contemporary historical scholarship on political identity and nationalist movements in Palestine and the wider Mashriq. This article contends that the claims made on al-Qassām by contemporary Palestinian, “Islamic” nationalists have silenced the multiple contexts available if one considers the entirety of al-Qassām’s life. Viewed in this light, it is possible that al-Qassām never considered himself a “Palestinian” at all. 


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