scholarly journals The Position of NATO and Great Britain on the Crisis in Soviet-Romanian Relations During the Autumn 1968 As Reflected in British Documents

2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 184-193
Author(s):  
Marian Zidaru
Keyword(s):  
North Atlantic ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
The North ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Foreign Office ◽  
Soviet Invasion ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Nicolae Ceausescu

Abstract During September-November 1968 there was a crisis situation in the Romanian-Soviet relations, generated by the criticism that the Romanian government formulated for the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia on August 23, 1968. This crisis came to the attention of decision-makers in the United Kingdom and Allied bodies within NATO. Both the British Cabinet and the representatives of the North Atlantic Alliance member countries held several meetings in which the issue of Romania and Yugoslavia was discussed in the context of Soviet threats. The Secretary of State of the Foreign Office visited Romania and discussed with Nicolae Ceauşescu, Ion Gheorghe Maurer and Corneliu Mănescu. This article aims to present debates within the NATO and the UK bodies on the political crisis in the Romanian-Soviet relations from the autumn of 1968 and the position adopted by them against a possible Soviet invasion in Romania and Yugoslavia.

scholarly journals THE REGIONAL POLICY OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT ON THE BACKGROUND OF BREXIT

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 352-359
Author(s):  
O.V. Okhoshin
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Negotiation Process ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Regional Parties ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Uk

The article is devoted to the analysis of the interaction of the UK government with the leading regional parties of Northern Ireland to address issues of border regulation and prevention of the negative consequences of Brexit. The aim of the article is to comprehend the official line of T. May’s conservative cabinets to maintain a transparent border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland established by the Belfast Agreement of 1998, as well as to overcome the political crisis within the Northern Ireland Assembly, which has continued since January 2017. During the negotiation process between London and Brussels interests of Euroskeptics and Eurooptimists clashed in the UK Parliament and Government, which directly influenced the political processes in the regions of the United Kingdom. Disagreements between the DUP and Sinn Fein created additional socio-economic tensions in Northern Ireland, which made the Brexit negotiation process difficult.

scholarly journals Helgoland og Norðurhavsoyggjar / Heligoland and the Norwegian Islands in the North Atlantic

2017 ◽  
Vol 57 ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
Zakarias Wang
Keyword(s):  
North Atlantic ◽  
The North ◽  
Men I ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The North Atlantic ◽  
War Aims ◽  
Crown Prince ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Commander In Chief ◽  
Peace Treaties

<p><strong>Ú</strong><strong>r</strong><strong>t</strong><strong>ak</strong>: Í 1814 kom friður í lag Stórabretlands, Svøríkis og Danmarkar millum. Stórabretland fekk frá Danmørk oynna Helgoland. Svøríki læt Danmørk svenska Pommern og Rügen móti at fáa Noreg, men í evstu stund var friðarsáttmálin broyttur, so norsku oyggjarnar í Norðurhøvum, Grønland, Føroyar og Ísland, ikki fylgdu við Noregi. Skjalatilfarið sigur lítið um, hví hetta hendi, men settar eru fram ymsar tilgitingar. Her verður tann tilgiting førd fram, at tað kann vera bretska kravið um Helgoland, sum hevur fingið Karl Johan at sleppa Norðurhavsoyggjum fyri at fáa friðin í lag beinanvegin. Á tann hátt slapp hann undan illstøðu við sameindu sínar, serliga bretar, sum vóru misnøgdir við, at hann hevði tikið seg burtur úr bardaganum ímóti Napoleon fyri at vinna Noreg.</p><p><strong>A</strong><strong>bstract</strong>: The peace treaties of Kiel in 1814 between Denmark and the United Kingdom, and Denmark and Sweden ceded the island of Heligoland (Helgoland) to the UK and Norway to Sweden. In return for Norway, Denmark was given Pomerania and Rugen, the Swedish provinces in Germany. At the last moment, the treaty between Denmark and Sweden was changed, so the Norwegian islands in the North Atlantic, Greenland, Faroe and Iceland, should not be ceded to Sweden with Norway. The sources are rather silent on the reasons for this change. Different hypotheses have been put forward. Here the hypothesis is launched, that it is possible that the British demand for the island of Heligoland caused the Swedish crown prince and commander-in-chief Karl Johan relinquish on the islands in the North Atlantic in order to get the peace treaties signed at once so that he could prevent a conflict with his allies, especially the British, who were rather upset because he had pursued his own war aims instead of following the allies in their westward thrust in order to topple the reign of the emperor Napoleon.</p>

A ‘Sound Investment’? British Cultural Diplomacy and Overseas Students: The British Council's Students Committee, 1935–1939

2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-283
Author(s):  
Alice Byrne
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Diplomacy ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Overseas Students ◽  
British Council ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Foreign Office ◽  
Run Up ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Second World

This article explores the UK government's first foray into cultural diplomacy by focusing on the activities of the British Council's Students Committee in the run-up to the Second World War. Students were placed at the heart of British cultural diplomacy, which drew on foreign models as well as the experience of intra-empire exchanges. While employing cultural internationalist discourse, the drive to attract more overseas students to the United Kingdom was intended to bring economic and political advantages to the host country. The British Council pursued its policy in cooperation with non-state actors but ultimately was guided by the Foreign Office, which led it to target key strategic regions, principally in Europe and the Mediterranean Basin.

scholarly journals FRI0649-HPR HYDROXYCHLOROQUINE PRESCRIBING AND OPHTHALMOLOGY SCREENING WITHIN RHEUMATOLOGY DEPARTMENTS IN THE NORTH-WEST OF THE UNITED KINGDOM: A PROSPECTIVE REGIONAL AUDIT

2020 ◽  
Vol 79 (Suppl 1) ◽  
pp. 928.2-929
Author(s):  
S. Juman ◽  
T. David ◽  
L. Gray ◽  
R. Hamad ◽  
S. Horton ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
High Risk ◽  
Risk Group ◽  
Service Level ◽  
High Risk Group ◽  
North West ◽  
The North ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Treatment Dosage ◽  
Sd Oct

Background:Hydroxychloroquine (HCQ) is widely used in the management of rheumatoid arthritis and connective tissue disease. The prevalence of retinopathy in patients taking long-term HCQ is approximately 7.5%, increasing to 20-50% after 20 years of therapy. Hydroxychloroquine prescribed at ≤5 mg/kg poses a toxicity risk of <1% up to five years and <2% up to ten years, but increases sharply to almost 20% after 20 years. Risk factors for retinopathy include doses >5mg/kg/day, concomitant tamoxifen or chloroquine use and renal impairment. The UK Royal College of Ophthalmologists (RCOphth) 2018 guidelines for HCQ screening recommend optimal treatment dosage and timing for both baseline and follow-up ophthalmology review for patients on HCQ, with the aim of preventing iatrogenic visual loss. This is similar to recommendations made by the American Academy of Ophthalmology (2016).Objectives:To determine adherence to the RCOphth guidelines for HCQ screening within the Rheumatology departments in the North-West of the UK.Methods:Data for patients established on HCQ and those initiated on HCQ therapy were collected over a 7 week period from 9 Rheumatology departments.Results:473 patients were included of which 56 (12%) were new starters and 417 (88%) were already established on HCQ. 79% of the patients were female, with median ages of 60.5 and 57 years for new and established patients respectively. The median (IQR) weight for new starters was 71 (27.9) kg and for established patients, 74 (24.7) kg.20% of new starters exceeded 5mg/kg daily HCQ dose. 16% were identified as high risk (9% had previously taken chloroquine, 5% had an eGFR <60ml/min/m2and 2% had retinal co-pathology). Of the high-risk group, 44% were taking <5mg/kg. In total, 36% of new starters were referred for a formal baseline Ophthalmology review.In the established patients, 74% were taking ≤5mg/kg/day HCQ dose and 16% were categorized as high risk (10% had an eGFR less than 60ml/min/m2, 3% had previous chloroquine or tamoxifen use and 2% had retinal co-pathology). In the high-risk group, 75% were not referred for spectral domain optical coherence tomography (SD-OCT). 41% of patients established on HCQ for <5 years, and 33% of patients on HCQ for >5 years were not referred for SD-OCT. Reasons for not referring included; awaiting 5 year review, previous screening already performed and optician review advised.Since the introduction of the RCOphth guidelines, 29% patients already established on HCQ had an alteration in the dosage of HCQ in accordance with the guidelines. In the high-risk group, 16% were not on the recommended HCQ dose.Conclusion:This audit demonstrates inconsistencies in adherence to the RCOphth guidelines for HCQ prescribing and ophthalmology screening within Rheumatology departments in the North-West of the UK for both new starters and established patients. Plans to improve this include wider dissemination of the guidelines to Rheumatology departments and strict service level agreements with ophthalmology teams to help optimize HCQ prescribing and screening for retinopathy.Acknowledgments:Drs. S Jones, E MacPhie, A Madan, L Coates & Prof L Teh. Co-1st author, T David.Disclosure of Interests:None declared

Allied High Commission for Germany

1951 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 825-832
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
North Atlantic ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
The United States ◽  
Scrap Metal ◽  
German Federal Republic ◽  
The North ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The North Atlantic ◽  
Contractual Agreements

With the development of certain administrative frictions (concerning coal quotas, occupation costs, and the scrap metal treaty) between the western occupying powers and the German Federal Republic, early indications were that if the talk of “contractual agreements” did materialize it would reserve, for the occupying powers, wide controls over important areas of west Germany's internal and external affairs. In Washington, however, a general modification of approach was noted during the September discussions between the United States Secretary of State (Acheson), the United Kingdom Foreign Secretary (Morrison), and the French Foreign Minister (Schuman), preparatory to the Ottawa meetings of the North Atlantic Council.

scholarly journals Clan hierarchy as the basis of the “tulip revolution” in Kyrgyzstan

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-171
Author(s):  
S. A. Voronin ◽  
E. A. Bakina
Keyword(s):  
Political Competition ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The North ◽  
External Forces ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
North And South

In 2005, the so-called Tulip Revolution took place in Kyrgyzstan. In terms of form and content, the events that took place in Kyrgyzstan fully fit into the concept of protest movements (velvet, melon, jasmine and other revolutions) that unfolded at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st centuries. The start to such “revolutions” aimed at changing the regime was given in 1953, when the Prime Minister of Iran Mossadyk was removed from power during the coup d’etat, which was supervised by the CIA. An analysis of the events in Kyrgyzstan showed that behind the coup that led to the overthrow of President Askar Akayev, there were external forces coordinating their efforts in accordance with the methodological recommendations of the American technologist of political coups Gene Sharpe. However, external actions, for all their significance, did not become the main cause of the Tulip Revolution, but acted only as a catalyst. Over the centuries, in Kyrgyzstan there has been a complex of internal contradictions between various political groups, which became the detonator of a political cataclysm in 2005. One of the most significant internal causes of the political crisis of 2005 was the clan rivalry of the North and South in the struggle for power. The clan hierarchy has been the foundation of the political systems of Central Asia for centuries; Kyrgyzstan was no exception. The article is devoted to the consideration of the mechanism of the clan hierarchy, the analysis of political competition between the North and the South, the role and importance of clans during the 2005 coup.

United Kingdom/Norway

2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-164
Author(s):  
Richard Barnes
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Sustainable Management ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Framework Agreement ◽  
The North ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The North Sea ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Insight Into

Abstract On 30 September 2020, the United Kingdom and Norway signed the Framework Agreement on Fisheries that will provide the basis for future cooperation in the sustainable management of their fisheries. The Agreement is the first such agreement adopted by the UK following its decision to the leave the European Union. This note provides some background to the Agreement and examines its key features. Whilst the content of the Agreement appears to be rather basic, this is broadly consistent with other framework agreements, and it does provide some insight into the direction and focus of fisheries management in the North Sea, and how cooperation may develop between coastal States and the European Union.

Denmark and the United Kingdom

2020 ◽  
pp. 117-141
Author(s):  
Agnes Cornell ◽  
Jørgen Møller ◽  
Svend-Erik Skaaning
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Regimes ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Additional Support ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Interwar Era ◽  
Civil Societies

Denmark and the United Kingdom are analyzed in-depth as examples of clear positive cases, i.e. surviving democracies with substantial democratic legacies and vibrant associational landscapes. The two case studies show how Denmark and the UK had developed consolidated democracies on the eve of the interwar era. These democracies were bolstered by broad acceptance of democratic procedures among elites and masses as well as strong parties interlaced with lively civil societies. The result of this combination was political regimes, which were immune to the political radicalization of the day. Antidemocratic movements and parties found preciously little support, the established parties remained loyal to democracy, and they came together to strike political agreements in order to counter economic crisis and anti-democratic mobilization in the 1930s. The evidence offered by these case studies thus provide additional support for our theoretical mechanisms.

Europe and the Nato Shield

1958 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 425-439 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arnold Wolfers
Keyword(s):  
North Atlantic ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Military Alliance ◽  
The North ◽  
Reasonable Degree ◽  
Economic Collaboration ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Military

Pressures to extend the activities of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) into fields other than the military, or actually to shift the emphasis to political, economic, and cultural objectives, have been so strong in recent years that one wonders whether there has not been a growing tendency, particularly in Europe, to lose sight of the purpose for which NATO was established and which makes it vital to the United States. Essentially, NATO is a multilateral military alliance for the protection of western and southern Europe against Soviet conquest, a means of denying these areas and their resources to the Soviets. If the members of the alliance, on one side or the other of the Atlantic, were ever to reach the conclusion that the threat of military attack from the east had vanished or that it could not be countered effectively by common military effort, NATO would have lost its original raison d'être, though it might be continued for the sake of what today are secondary non-military functions, such as political conciliation and economic collaboration. It should be added that the primacy of the military purpose of NATO, as it exists today, does not preclude the desirability or even the necessity of extending its scope beyond purely military matters. As Ruth C. Lawson has pointed out, there is little hope for reliable military collaboration among countries ohat do not succeed in attaining a reasonable degree of harmony between their political aims and policies. Cyprus, Suez, and Algeria are symptomatic of the problems NATO faces in the political field.

scholarly journals Building partnerships

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Richard Byrne
Keyword(s):  
Water Quality ◽  
Landscape Conservation ◽  
Sustainable Change ◽  
North West ◽  
The North ◽  
Quality Issue ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Peat Deposits ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Water Quality Issue

Water is generally plentiful in the United Kingdom; however, there is an emerging water quality issue driven by agricultural intensification. Poor land management over generations has contributed to the degradation of upland peat deposits leading to discolouration of potable water and the loss of valuable habitats. Employing agri-environmental schemes operated by the UK Government and private Capital One water company in the North West of England is achieving water quality gains as well as landscape, conservation and habitat benefit at the same time as supporting tenant farm incomes. We describe the pressures on the uplands and how innovative partnerships are achieving sustainable change.

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