scholarly journals Experiencias e impactos de la violencia política contra mujeres en el centro y norte del Valle del Cauca

2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 99
Author(s):  
Lady Johanna Betancourt Maldonado ◽  
Gloria Cristina Castro Gómez

Resumen: Este artículo muestra parte de los resultadosobtenidos a través de un estudio cualitativo sobre elimpacto de la violencia política en mujeres vinculadas aorganizaciones sociales del norte y centro del Valle delCauca. Se desarrolló a partir de la pregunta por la influenciade las experiencias de violencia política vividaspor mujeres del centro y norte del Valle del Cauca, ensu participación al interior de organizaciones sociales,entre 1985-2005. Tuvo como propósitos la visibilizaciónde las experiencias de violencia vividas por las mujeres,los impactos psicosociales en sus proyectos de vida y lacomprensión de las propuestas y acciones generadas porestas mujeres frente a la violencia política. El presenteartículo se centra en los resultados de los dos primerosobjetivos, con los cuales se pretende evidenciar que lasmujeres no son sólo víctimas históricas de la violencia,sino que también, históricamente han resistido, reconstruyendosu mundo en la cotidianidad. Se insiste, de acuerdocon Das (2008), en la necesidad de descubrir la manera enque las personas hacen rupturas para volver a constituirsecomo sujetos en contextos de violencia, rescatando la nopasividadde las víctimas y el valor de la resistencia, quese materializa en todas aquellas prácticas que permitenmantener la dignidad, subsistir y hacer frente a las múltiplespérdidas que deja la violencia.Palabras clave: Mujeres, violencia política, testimonio,impactos psicosociales, Valle del Cauca.Experiences and Impacts of Political Violence againstWomen in the Center and North of the Cauca ValleyAbstract: This article shows some of the results obtainedthrough a qualitative study on the question of theimpact of political violence experienced by women in thecenter and north of Valle del Cauca, in their participationwithin social organizations, between 1985 and 2005. Theresearch aims at making visible the experiences of violence,the psychosocial impacts on their life projects and theunderstanding of the proposals and actions generated bythese women against the political violence. This articlefocuses on the results of the first two aims, and pretendsto show that women are not only historical victims of violence,they also historically have resisted, rebuilding theirworld in daily life. It insists, according to Das (2008), in theneed to discover how people make rupture to re-constitutethemselves as subjects in contexts of violence, rescuing thenon-passivity of the victims and the resistance value, thatmaterializes in all those practices which let maintain thedignity, subsist and to face the multiple losses that leavesviolence.Keywords: Women and political violence, testimony,psychosocial impacts, Cauca Valley.

Author(s):  
Ronald Edward Villamil Carvajal

El artículo aborda el análisis de una modalidad particular del fenómeno paramilitar en Colombia como son las prácticas paramilitares, comprendidas como la constitución de redes o alianzas criminales funcionales, cambiantes y coyunturales en la planeación, coordinación y perpetración de graves violaciones a los DDHH y al DIH. Se toma como epicentro del análisis el proceso de violencia política ocurrido entre los años 1982-1997 en el Alto Nordeste Antioqueño (conformado por los municipios de Remedios y Segovia), paradigmático de esta trayectoria particular del fenómeno paramilitar. La caracterización y análisis de las prácticas paramilitares amplían la comprensión acerca del proceso de conformación, expansión y consolidación de las estructuras paramilitares que se agruparon en la confederación de las Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia (AUC).Palabras Clave: Conflicto armado interno, Violencia política, Memoria histórica, Remedios y Segovia, Paramilitarismo ABSTRACTPARAMILITARY PRACTICES IN THE ALTO NORDESTE ANTIOQUEÑOThe article deals with the analysis of a particular modality of the paramilitary phenomenon in Colombia, such as paramilitary practices, including the constitution of functional, changing and conjunctural criminal networks or alliances in the planning, coordination and perpetration of serious violations of human rights and IHL . The epicenter of the analysis is the political violence that occurred between 1982 and 1997 in the Alto Nordeste Antioquioqueño (made up of the municipalities of Remedios and Segovia), paradigmatic of this particular trajectory of the paramilitary phenomenon. The characterization and analysis of paramilitary practices broaden the understanding of the process of conformation, expansion and consolidation of the paramilitary structures that were grouped in the confederation of the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC).Key Words: Internal armed conflict, Political violence, Historical memory, Remedios and Segovia, Paramilitarism


Author(s):  
Concepción Fernández Villanueva

<p>La implicación de las mujeres en violencia política ha sido invisibilizada, marginalizada y desvalorizada. Estudios recientes sobre su participación en conflictos bélicos, movimientos de resistencia, movimientos revolucionarios y grupos terroristas a lo largo del siglo XX y XXI permiten rescatar la visibilidad de este fenómeno así como interpretarlo a la luz de los procesos psicosociales del contexto, que son similares a los que explican la implicación de los varones: en particular, los procesos grupales y comunitarios de carácter psicosocial, la ideología política, y la transformación de la identidad de género en un momento histórico de conquista de la igualdad. Los estereotipos sexistas e incluso algunas interpretaciones de la psicología diferencial de los géneros contribuyen a distorsionar la explicación de la implicación de las mujeres en esta y otras formas de violencia.</p><p><br />The involvement of women in political violence has been hidden, marginalized and devalued. Recent studies about involvement of women in armed conflicts, resistance movements, revolutionary movements and terrorist groups throughout the twentieth and twentieth-first centuries can rescue the visibility of this phenomenon and interpret it in the light of the psychosocial processes of the context, similar to those that explain the involvement of men: particularly, group and community psychosocial processes, political ideology, and gender identity transformation towards women equality. Sexist stereotypes and even some interpretations of the psychology of gender differences help to distort the explanation of the involvement of women in this and other forms of violence.<br /><br /></p>


Author(s):  
Aleida Leticia Tello Divicino ◽  
Mónica Violeta Morales Jiménez ◽  
Iván Alfredo Islas Flores

<p><strong>Resumen</strong></p><p>Los resultados que se presentan en este artículo muestran el papel que tiene la actividad periodística en la construcción del discurso acerca de los casos de violencia política de género en Estado de Guerrero, México, en el proceso electoral del año 2018. Se analizaron las notas informativas locales de acuerdo con la propuesta metodológica del análisis crítico del discurso. Los hallazgos demuestran la importancia que la actividad periodística tiene en los procesos electorales y podrían aplicarse en el marco de otras elecciones a nivel federal en México, de otra región o incluso de sociedades con mayor tradición democrática. Asimismo, los resultados muestran la relevancia del discurso periodístico para comunicar las repercusiones de este tipo de violencia contra las mujeres.</p><p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>The results presented in this article show the role of journalistic work in the construction of the discourse about gender-based political violence cases in the State of Guerrero, Mexico, in the 2018 electoral process. Local news stories were analyzed according to the Critical Discourse Analysis method. The findings demonstrate the importance of journalism activity in the electoral processes at the federal level in Mexico, in another region or even in societies with a longer democratic trajectory. Likewise, the results show the relevance of journalistic discourse to communicate the repercussions of this type of violence against women.</p>


Author(s):  
Marta Romero Delgado ◽  
Concepción Fernández Villanueva

<p>En las dos últimas décadas del pasado siglo se formaron y desaparecieron movimientos armados en la sociedad peruana, popularmente llamados “guerrillas”. Dichos grupos se enfrentaron al Estado provocando una fuerte oleada de violencia política. La participación femenina en todo el proceso fue muy amplia e inesperada. Tras una investigación cualitativa en la que se entrevistó a mujeres de los dos grupos armados más importantes, Partido Comunista del Perú-Sendero Luminoso (PCP-SL) y Movimiento Revolucionario Tupac Amaru (MRTA), presentamos las razones sociales e identitarias que condujeron a las mujeres a su implicación en esta expresión de violencia política, así como la problemática de fractura y reconstrucción identitaria que se vieron obligadas a realizar y la evaluación de sus experiencias.</p><p>In the last two decades of the last century there have been formed and eliminated armed movements in the Peruvian society, popularly called guerrillas. Those groups confronted the State causing waves of political violence. In these groups, the women's participation was very wide and unexpected. After a qualitative research based on interviews of women from the most important armed groups (Shining Path and Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement), we present the identity and social factors that led to their involvement in this expression of political violence, as well as the problematic of identity fracture and reconstruction they needed to carry out, and the evaluation of their experiences.<br /><br /></p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-52
Author(s):  
Antonio Bellisario ◽  
Leslie Prock

The article examines Chilean muralism, looking at its role in articulating political struggles in urban public space through a visual political culture perspective that emphasizes its sociological and ideological context. The analysis characterizes the main themes and functions of left-wing brigade muralism and outlines four subpolitical phases: (i) Chilean mural painting’s beginnings in 1940–1950, especially following the influence of Mexican muralism, (ii) the development of brigade muralism for political persuasion under the context of revolutionary sociopolitical upheaval during the 1960s and in the socialist government of Allende from 1970 to 1973, (iii) the characteristics of muralism during the Pinochet dictatorship in the 1980s as a form of popular protest, and (iv) muralism to express broader social discontent during the return to democracy in the 1990s. How did the progressive popular culture movement represent, through murals, the political hopes during Allende’s government and then the political violence suffered under the military dictatorship? Several online repositories of photographs of left-wing brigade murals provide data for the analysis, which suggests that brigade muralism used murals mostly for political expression and for popular education. Visual art’s inherent political dimension is enmeshed in a field of power constituted by hegemony and confrontation. The muralist brigades executed murals to express their political views and offer them to all spectators because the street wall was within everyone's reach. These murals also suggested ideas that went beyond pictorial representation; thus, muralism was a process of education that invited the audience to decipher its polysemic elements.


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-63
Author(s):  
Ruth Roded

Beginning in the early 1970s, Jewish and Muslim feminists, tackled “oral law”—Mishna and Talmud, in Judaism, and the parallel Hadith and Fiqh in Islam, and several analogous methodologies were devised. A parallel case study of maintenance and rebellion of wives —mezonoteha, moredet al ba?ala; nafaqa al-mar?a and nush?z—in classical Jewish and Islamic oral law demonstrates similarities in content and discourse. Differences between the two, however, were found in the application of oral law to daily life, as reflected in “responsa”—piskei halacha and fatwas. In modern times, as the state became more involved in regulating maintenance and disobedience, and Jewish law was backed for the first time in history by a state, state policy and implementation were influenced by the political system and socioeconomic circumstances of the country. Despite their similar origin in oral law, maintenance and rebellion have divergent relevance to modern Jews and Muslims.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 170 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. Eylem Özkaya Lassalle

The concept of failed state came to the fore with the end of the Cold War, the collapse of the USSR and the disintegration of Yugoslavia. Political violence is central in these discussions on the definition of the concept or the determination of its dimensions (indicators). Specifically, the level of political violence, the type of political violence and intensity of political violence has been broached in the literature. An effective classification of political violence can lead us to a better understanding of state failure phenomenon. By using Tilly’s classification of collective violence which is based on extent of coordination among violent actors and salience of short-run damage, the role played by political violence in state failure can be understood clearly. In order to do this, two recent cases, Iraq and Syria will be examined.


Author(s):  
María Soledad del Rocío Suárez López ◽  
María Trinidad Gutiérrez Ramírez ◽  
Ariadna Isabe Urbina Ayala

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