The Turkish position on the Palestinian issue after 2002

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
pp. 55
Author(s):  
Anwar Izz al-Din Thanon ◽  
Tareq Mohammed Tayeb Thahir Al-Kassar
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
External Reality ◽  
New Development ◽  
The Government ◽  
Palestinian Issue

The Palestinian cause are one of the most prominent Arab issues being considered the issue of Arab central, very attitudes international and regional issue interest prominently what these attitudes of the consequences of internal and external reality, the Arab and international levels, and has taken the Turkish position on the Palestinian issue forms and visions mixed since the founding of the Zionist entity and the proclamation of the his country was Turkey's positions and visions of the developments of the Arab _ Zionist varied by the effects of internal and external but marked bias to Israel embodies the recognition of Turkey this entity and conventions diverse held between the parties throughout the period that preceded the arrival of the AKP came to power, and after 2002 Turkey began after the arrival of the party Justice and a new development in its foreign policy and attitudes to-wards the issues of the region and tended to make efforts to play the role of political mediator in the Palestinian issue, as the Government of the Justice and Development itself in a difficult test with regard to its policy and its offi-cial position between the Palestinian issue and Developments.

scholarly journals Embassy of Prince Grigory Konstantinovich Volkonsky to the Crimea in 1614–1615

2019 ◽  
pp. 158-174
Author(s):  
Alexander Vinogradov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Final Stage ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Lower Volga Region ◽  
Lower Volga ◽  
The Crimea ◽  
The Government ◽  
Mutual Relations ◽  
Single Set

Introduction. The author examines the insufficiently studied period of diplomatic communicationsof the Moscow Tsardom and the Crimean Khanate after Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov’s enthronement, which led to establishing relatively peaceful mutual relations between them at the final stage of military and political confrontation of Russia with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Swedish Crown. Materials. The paper reveals the circumstances of establishing contractual relations between Moscow and Bakhchysarai on the basis of unpublished sources. The information from the columns of 1613–1614 about the stay of the embassy of A. Lodyzhensky and P. Danilov in the Crimea from autumn of 1613 to July 1614, the preparation and holding of the embassy congress and exchange of ambassadors at Livny in August 1614, the stay of the embassy of Prince G.K. Volkonsky and P. Ovdokimov in the Crimea in August 1614 – June 1615, the stay of Magmet Chelebi’s embassy in Moscow in September 1614 – March 1615 and, finally, the embassy exchange under Valuyki in July 1615 form a single set of documents that let us trace the course of diplomatic relations between the Moscow Tsardom and the Crimean Khanate in 1613–1615. The decisive stage in difficult and tense diplomatic negotiations of the parties in this period, in our opinion, is the stay of the embassy of Prince Grigory Konstantinovich Volkonsky and clerk Peter Ovdokimov in the Crimea. Results. This article shows the role of relations with the Crimea in general foreign policy of the government of Tsar Mikhail Fedorovich and in the restoration of military and political control over the Lower Volga Region territory.

Economic diplomacy: pandemic effect

2021 ◽  
pp. 84-97
Author(s):  
Tatyana Leonidovna Musatova
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
New World ◽  
Economic Security ◽  
Economic Diplomacy ◽  
Foreign Countries ◽  
The World ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

The article analyzes the impact of the COVID-19 coronavirus pandemic crisis on the foreign policy and diplomacy of states, including economic diplomacy. ED is interpreted as a multi-sided multi-faceted activity, an integral part of foreign policy aimed at protecting the national interests and economic security of the country. Given the interdepartmental nature of the ED, the presence of numerous actors and agents, not only state, but also public and business structures, political and foreign economic coordination on the part of the Foreign Ministries is of great importance, and this role of foreign policy departments is increasing during the pandemic crisis. The activity of the ED of Russia in 2020 was generally successful, among the main results: active participation of diplomats in the anti-epidemic work of the Government of the Russian Federation, including export flights, provision of emergency assistance by compatriots abroad, assistance to foreign countries; measures to promote the Russian vaccine in the world, establish its production abroad, and thus win new world markets for medicines; settlement of the pricing crisis on the world oil market with the leading role of Russia and Saudi Arabia; adjustment of double taxation agreements with a number of foreign countries, taking into account the domestic economic needs of the country; the growing experience of BRICS, this interstate association, which did not know the crisis, including its fight against epidemiological diseases, during the period of Russia’s presidency in the BRICS; further steps to deepen integration within the EAEU; Russia’s success in the eastern direction of foreign policy, in the development of trade exchanges and epidemiological cooperation with the ASEAN and APEC states. The new world crisis has become a catalyst for the convergence of ED methods with scientific and public diplomacy, with other diplomatic cultures that can be combined under the general name of civil diplomacy. Such a separation is required to protect the legacy of professional diplomacy, the popularity and use of which methods is growing significantly. ED, as an integral part of official diplomacy, is presented as a mediator between classical and civil diplomacy. It provides civil society with an example of the more rigorous, pragmatic, resultsoriented work that the current pandemic crisis requires.

Some aspects of the Anglo-Russian Convention and its working in Persia, 1907–14—I

1968 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rose Louise Greaves
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
European Policy ◽  
Consecutive Period ◽  
Foreign Office ◽  
Permanent Staff ◽  
The Government ◽  
Role Of The Government

The Anglo-Russian Convention, signed at St. Petersburg on 31 August 1907, contained provisions relating to Persia, Afghanistan, and Tibet. The text of the agreement would seem to suggest that the matters adjusted were purely local in character—an arrangement arrived at between two countries settling problems in far-away frontier regions. But the Anglo-Russian Convention was of much greater significance. It represented a change not only in Anglo-Russian relations, but in Britain's fundamental European policy. It also meant that the role of the Government of India, which had often been a powerful factor in the determination of foreign policy in the nineteenth century, became less significant. It seems highly probable, too, that in the years when Sir Edward Grey was Foreign Secretary (December 1905 to December 1916—holding office for a longer consecutive period than any other Foreign Secretary in the nineteenth or twentieth centuries, the next being Castlereagh, 1812–22) the permanent staff of the Foreign Office exercised more influence and had a more decisive voice in the conduct of the country's foreign policy than they ever had before of have had since.

scholarly journals PENGARUH BANTUAN KEMANUSIAAN ACEH BAGI PENGUNGSI ROHINGYA TERHADAP UPAYA DIPLOMASI KEMANUSIAAN

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-147
Author(s):  
Mumtazinur Mumtazinur
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Humanitarian Assistance ◽  
World Peace ◽  
Global Level ◽  
Indonesian Government ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government ◽  
Ruling Party ◽  
Responsible Party

This paper moves from the welfare crisis that struck Rakhine Myanmar which has an impact on the difficulty of the flow of external refugees to various countries including Indonesia. Humanitarian assistance provided by the people of Aceh becomes important considering that many countries refuse to accept these Rohingya refugees. In addition, this paper attempts to review Aceh's assistance to Rohingya Refugees and its correlation to humanitarian diplomacy, the Government of Indonesia. This paper also describes the background of assistance provided by the people of Aceh for Rohingya refugees and the forms of assistance provided. The assistance provided by the Acehnese people to Rohingya refugees helped to influence diplomacy supported by the Indonesian government. The role of the Acehnese community in this context can be agreed upon as the responsible party given to Indonesia's ruling party at the regional and global level as a supporter of world peace. The Acehnese also positioned themselves as supporters of the peace who were ready to support Indonesia's foreign policy and who put forward diplomacy as a strategic step to create world peace.

scholarly journals Brazil and the BRICS: The Trap of Short Time

2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 404-429 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pedro Antonio Vieira ◽  
Helton Ricardo Ouriques
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Economic Policies ◽  
Economic Role ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
The Government ◽  
Short Time ◽  
The Relationship

In this paper we examine the BRICS by focusing on one of its member states: Brazil. More specifically, we focus on the relationship between Brazilian foreign policy under President Lula (2003-2010), U.S. hegemonic decline, and the commodity boom that provided economic resources to sustain Brazil’s position in world politics. With the world financial crisis of 2008, Lula’s belle époque came to an end. Without the abundant resources of commodity exports, Lula’s successor, Dilma Rousseff, tried unsuccessfully to combat the economic slowdown by further strengthening the economic role of the state. With this expansionist economic policy, she was elected for a second term in office, but immediately embraced the previous orthodox economic policies, what coupled with lack of support from the Congress, threw the government into crisis. As a result, not only has the political economy of Brazil re-aligned with the interests of financial capital, but also its foreign policy has returned to its historical alignment with the United States. Our contention is that the BRICS will soon be of no relevance to Brazil.

Chinese Foreign Policy: Pragmatism and Strategic Behavior. Edited by Suisheng Zhao. [Armonk, NY and London: M.E. Sharpe, 2004. 319 pp. $26.95. ISBN 0-7656-1285-2.]

2004 ◽  
Vol 180 ◽  
pp. 1095-1097
Author(s):  
Patrick Belton
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Strategic Behavior ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Chinese Foreign Policy ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Chinese Nationalism ◽  
Fresh Material ◽  
The Government ◽  
Rising Power

Suisheng Zhao has assembled this volume from articles recently published in the Journal of Contemporary China, which he edits. Its chapters cover recognizable terrain for political scientists: whether China, as a rising power, will seek to maximize its relative or absolute gains; the likelihood its increasing power will tend towards status-quo or belligerent lines; and the degree of Chinese ‘exceptionalism’ when compared with other countries. As the subtitle might suggest, the contributions present China in a favourable light, stressing how China's leaders have spurned ideological purism for the pragmatic weighing of national interests, with only nationalism to serve as a double-edged sword by conferring legitimacy on the government, but potentially also taking it away. The assertion that strategic calculations govern Chinese foreign policy contrasts with other interpretations, such as those of David Lampton in Same Bed, Different Dreams, who assigns a large role to domestic politics, or Peter Gries in Understanding Chinese Nationalism, who highlights the constraining role of nationalist ideology on the ability of China's leaders to de-escalate crises with other countries. Zhao's contribution lies less in defending the assertion of pragmatism against those competing perspectives and more in drawing upon it in offering fresh material.

scholarly journals Foreign policy factor in State-Church relations in the Soviet Union during World War II and early post-war

2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (Especial II) ◽  
pp. 170-179
Author(s):  
Ruslan Rustamovich Ibragimov ◽  
Aivaz Minnegosmanovich Fazliev ◽  
Chulpan Khamitovna Samatova ◽  
Boturzhon Khamidovich Alimov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Russian Orthodox ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
World War ◽  
Russian Orthodox Church ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War

The objective of the research was to study Russian State and Orthodox church relations in the context of world war II and the early post-war years. The line of this article is due to the important role of the Russian Orthodox Church in the history, modern political and cultural life of Russia. In this sense, the period of State-Church relations in the USSR during world war II, known in Russia as a great patriotic war, is of great scientific interest because it was the time when the government was forced to make adjustments to its religion policy. Methodologically based on a wide range of documentary sources, the authors of the article have identified the place and role of the Russian Orthodox Church in the foreign policy of the USSR during the approach. In this sense, it is felt that the role of the Russian Orthodox Church in building relations with the allies of the anti-Hitler coalition and its place in the expansion of the Soviet political system in Eastern Europe was of paramount importance as a foreign policy factor.

Japan: Interest Group Politics, Foreign Policy Linkages, and TPP

2019 ◽  
pp. 573-591
Author(s):  
Christina L. Davis
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Regional Integration ◽  
Economic Restructuring ◽  
Trade Agreement ◽  
Economic Statecraft ◽  
The Face ◽  
Interest Group Politics ◽  
Group Politics ◽  
The Government

After years of reluctantly opening its markets in the face of pressure from abroad, Japan led the campaign to save the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). This chapter evaluates the agreement from the perspective of Japan to investigate why the government chose to join TPP negotiations after years of delays, and why it became one of the first members to ratify the agreement even as US support for the agreement wavered amidst a fraught presidential campaign. TPP represents by far the most ambitious free trade agreement undertaken by Japan. It has been subject to tremendous resistance from farm groups and other interests, and moderate advocacy from industry. Against this backdrop, the value of the agreement as part of a geopolitical strategy was essential to Japanese support of TPP. The chapter argues that foreign policy interests were necessary to overcome domestic obstacles to liberalization. But the role of geopolitics in Japanese trade policy has moved beyond reaction to US pressure for liberalization. In the proactive use of economic statecraft, Japan seeks to deepen regional integration in East Asia and balance against China. Changes in the administrative process within the Japanese government and the decision to position the international trade agreement within the framework of policies for domestic economic restructuring further strengthened the resilience of Japanese commitment to the agreement and show how megaregulation can be embedded within domestic political reform agendas.

Foreign policy shift will be limited in Brazil

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
Regional Trade ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Policy Shift ◽  
The Government ◽  
Will Force ◽  
Trade Deals ◽  
Foreign Ministry

Subject Foreign policy in the Michel Temer government. Significance New Foreign Minister Jose Serra seeks to signal a radical departure from policy under the centre-left governments of suspended President Dilma Rousseff and her predecessor, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva. Nowhere is this more visible than in trade, where the Foreign Ministry has taken over policy responsibility from the Ministry for Development, Industry and Foreign Trade. The governing idea is that Brazil should abandon its focus on multilateral negotiations under the WTO framework and embrace regional trade deals from which it has largely abstained. Impacts As a political 'heavyweight', Serra boosts the role of the Foreign Ministry in the government. His apparent ambition to use the ministry as a launching pad for a 2018 presidential bid will not necessarily undermine his performance. However, it will force him to show significant results quickly.

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