scholarly journals Political-military relations in the South Caucasus in the context of the Iran-Russia-Turkey Triangle

Author(s):  
Vladimir Alekseevich Avatkov ◽  
Aleksandr Vladimirovich Kasianenko

The research subject is the peculiarities of modern political-military relations in the South Caucasus in the context of the Iran-Russia-Turkey Triangle. The author considers political-military relations in the region through the prism of national interests of regional actors, such as Russia, Turkey, and Iran; analyzes military and technical cooperation in the South Caucasus based on the example of Armenia and Azerbaijan; studies military expenditure of the countries of the region and military budgets of Armenia and Azerbaijan, which are one of the hotbeds of tension and conflicts of interests of Russia, Turkey and Iran. The scientific novelty of the research consists in the systematization of ideas about the modern state of political-military relations in the South Caucasus in terms of the regional actors’ influence on the regional security system. Based on the documents, facts and research works, the author formulates a conclusion about the condition and the prospects of development of modern political-military relations in the South Caucasus in the context of the Iran-Russia-Turkey Triangle. The success of Turkey in terms of strengthening its positions in the South Caucasus against the background of rising competition in the region is undoubtable. Turkey has managed not only to position itself as a strong regional actor, which is able to indirectly influence regional disputes settlement, but also to promote the military triumph of Azerbaijan, its key ally in the region. It will result in further extension of export of Turkish weapons to Azerbaijan, and deeper cooperation between these two countries in other spheres. It concerns Russia and Iran, which are interested in maintaining the balance of powers in the region.  

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-48
Author(s):  
Fatemeh Atrisangari

Any foreign policy decision of a country is formed on the basis of certain principles and norms that constitute the identity and determine the role of this country. In case with Iran, although the norms that form the identity of the Islamic Republic are diverse and each of them can determine the role of the country outside its geographical borders, none of these norms totally dominates Iran’s foreign policy. Iran is a country located within (or neighboring to) several strategic regions, and in each of these regions it demonstrates different foreign policy strategy based on different norms. For example, Iran’s foreign policy in Transcaucasia is determined by principles and norms which, in some cases, are similar to the principles and norms of Iran’s foreign policy in Western Asia and, in other cases, are different from them. These divergent patterns of behavior can be accounted for by two concepts: identity and national interests. The article aims at clarifying the role of identity in determining Iran’s national interests in Transcaucasia and studies Iran’s foreign policy in the region within the mentioned framework. At the same time, the article seeks to examine the challenges associated with the principles and norms determining foreign policy, as well as identify the shortcomings of Iran’s foreign policy in the Transcaucasian region.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 5-17
Author(s):  
D M Timokhin

The article deals with one of the most striking moments of the Khwarezmian expansion into the South Caucasus, namely the battle of Garni in 1225. It was this military clash that largely predetermined the course of the further military and political activity of the Khorezmshah Jalal ad-Din Mankburni: till his death in 1231, his attention was focused on this region, which had rightfully become the heart of his power. For its part, it was the Khwarezmian expansion that undermined the military and political might of the Georgian Empire, so that it could no longer properly withstand the Mongolian threat in the 1230s. The author of the article considers the battle and focuses on the causes and preconditions of this military conflict and its consequences. The article also presents a brief analysis of the military and political situation in the South Caucasus on the threshold of Khwarezmian threat. The events are reconstructed basing on the available sources in the Arabic-Persian, Georgian and Armenian languages. The author of the article highlights the key matters, which the authors of the three sources draw attention to, and emphasizes the most important authors’ assessments and conclusions cited in the historical sources. Thus, the author of the article considers the battle of Garni in 1225 both as a historical event and as a certain narrative created by medieval historians belonging to different religious, ethnic and social communities. The analysis of the mentioned narrative and the laws of its formation is an important component of this study.


Subject Russia's deployment of drones at its base in Armenia. Significance After a significant upgrade and expansion of Russian air power in Armenia over the past two months, including the deployment of a combat helicopter squadron and additional fixed-wing combat aircraft, a new delivery of drones has further bolstered Russian capabilities in Gyumri, Russia's sole base in the South Caucasus. Impacts Advanced Russian UAVs will significantly expand surveillance capacity, with nearby Turkey the obvious target. The move will reassure Armenia of Russia's commitment to its security. If Armenia now exaggerates the military threat from Turkey, it could complicate the outlook for reopening their closed border.


Author(s):  
Ekaterina ARKHIPOVA

The war of 2020 in the Mountainous Karabakh has reshaped the balance of powers in the area and enforced the tensions between the area powers (Russia and Turkey). The article reveals the contemporary and new factors determining the area international relations. Theory of regional security complexes makes the ground of the article. Structural and functional analysis gives the opportunity to explain the reasons of states activity in the IR, states’ expectations and week points. The author undermines the influence of the 2020 war upon the area balance of power, helping Turkey to improve its influence instead of its’ loses in the Near East area. The author gives the prognosis about the improvement of tensions between the South Caucasus States.


Author(s):  
A. A. Suchentsov

Correction of the assessments of Russian national interests in international low intensity conflicts is particularly relevant with regard to Russian policy in the the South Caucasus. Replacement of the ruling elites in Georgia expands the space for dialogue with Tbilisi, but the main trend in the foreign policy orientation of Georgia's - Euro- Atlantic integration - seems to remain unchanged. Due to the fact that "political legacy" of Saakashvili's government continues to influence Georgia's policy it is reasonable to refer to the possible strategy of indirect actions of Russia to win sympathies of the Georgian society and inhibit the "Atlantic" tendency “from below”.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 341-360
Author(s):  
S. I. Chernyavskiy

The article analyzes the changes in the South Caucasus associated with the results of the Armenian-Azerbaijani hostilities in the fall of 2020. According to the author, a radical breakdown of the geopolitical configuration of the region took place. The long-term ethnopolitical conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan is a thing of the past, the self-proclaimed Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (Republic of Artsakh) practically ceased to exist. For the first time in 30 years, Russian peacekeepers have returned to these lands. The role of Turkey, a longtime arbiter of Caucasian affairs, has been revived. An end has been put in the most important of the interethnic conflicts that have destroyed the USSR since the late 1980s. And it was Russia who did it.As a result, each of the two republics controls only its internationally recognized territories, while Karabakh continues to exist de facto under the control of Russian peacekeepers. The decisiveness of V. Putin, who took upon himself the rescue of the civilian population and the settlement of the conflict, his ability to “persuade” irreconcilable enemies to stop the war and agree with the subsequent “peacekeeping intervention” contributed to a noticeable increase in Russia’s prestige in the region. However, the role of an independent arbiter capable of solving “insoluble” problems is impossible without strong political, legal, economic and military positions in the region. Therefore, the expansion of the Russian presence in the Transcaucasus is a factor of strategic importance that meets the national interests of Russia. The author believes that given the dismissive and consumerist attitude of the ruling elite of Armenia towards Russia, the time has come to adjust the choice of strategic partners in the South Caucasus. Azerbaijan is actively cooperating with Russia in key areas of world politics. One of the examples is the creation on the initiative of I. Aliyev of new formats of trilateral diplomacy in the composition of Azerbaijan-Turkey-Russia and Azerbaijan-Iran-Russia. An equally significant example is cooperation with Baku within the framework of the “Caspian Five”.Taking into account the specifics of the “multi-vector” nature of the South Caucasian states, it is advisable to conduct constant monitoring of Russian approaches to relations with them from the point of view of equal and pragmatic cooperation. This will make it possible to avoid that the resulting vacuum will be occupied by other powers that have been making themselves known more and more in recent years. Therefore, it is vitally important for Moscow that the authorities of the South Caucasus take into account its political interests.


2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 83-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andres Eduardo Fernandez-Osorio

This article challenges conventional explanations why Colombia, a country emerging from an armed internal conflict but still with multiple challenges, should participate in United Nations’ multidimensional peace operations. While Colombian official rationale maintains that contribution to peacekeeping is a common stage for countries within a post-peace agreement scenario to gain worldwide recognition, to improve legitimacy, and to establish an alternative source of funding, international experience suggests that the occurrence of several other circumstances is necessary before making such a commitment. The results of a statistical analysis show how the level of implementation of the peace agreement, as well as disarmament, demobilization, reintegration, addressing minority rights, and solving issues with criminal groups are fundamental for deciding on participation in peace operations. Additionally, while international missions may be considered a way of enhancing diplomacy, cautious assessments should be made to determine the military capabilities needed to balance national interests and foreign policy without fostering a regional security dilemma.


2013 ◽  
Vol 28 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 123-140
Author(s):  
Khadga K.C.

As like in other developing democracies, it is obvious that there are many CMR problems in Nepal. A lack of national security policies and common national interests, ignorance about security sensitiveness, political instability, parochialism, mistrust, are prominent factors contributing to Nepal’s adverse civil-military relations. However, the military though has already begun to tuning with democratic norms and values should further be engaged in serious organizational reform that includes among others; enhancing professionalism, further accountability, transparency and loyalty of army to the civilian authority follow by earliest promulgation of democratic constitution with the clear provision of democratic control over armed forces.


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