Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict in the Context of Changing Regional Geopolitics

The article analyzes the changes in the South Caucasus associated with the results of the Armenian-Azerbaijani hostilities in the fall of 2020. According to the author, a radical breakdown of the geopolitical configuration of the region took place. The long-term ethnopolitical conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan is a thing of the past, the self-proclaimed Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (Republic of Artsakh) practically ceased to exist. For the first time in 30 years, Russian peacekeepers have returned to these lands. The role of Turkey, a longtime arbiter of Caucasian affairs, has been revived. An end has been put in the most important of the interethnic conflicts that have destroyed the USSR since the late 1980s. And it was Russia who did it.As a result, each of the two republics controls only its internationally recognized territories, while Karabakh continues to exist de facto under the control of Russian peacekeepers. The decisiveness of V. Putin, who took upon himself the rescue of the civilian population and the settlement of the conflict, his ability to “persuade” irreconcilable enemies to stop the war and agree with the subsequent “peacekeeping intervention” contributed to a noticeable increase in Russia’s prestige in the region. However, the role of an independent arbiter capable of solving “insoluble” problems is impossible without strong political, legal, economic and military positions in the region. Therefore, the expansion of the Russian presence in the Transcaucasus is a factor of strategic importance that meets the national interests of Russia. The author believes that given the dismissive and consumerist attitude of the ruling elite of Armenia towards Russia, the time has come to adjust the choice of strategic partners in the South Caucasus. Azerbaijan is actively cooperating with Russia in key areas of world politics. One of the examples is the creation on the initiative of I. Aliyev of new formats of trilateral diplomacy in the composition of Azerbaijan-Turkey-Russia and Azerbaijan-Iran-Russia. An equally significant example is cooperation with Baku within the framework of the “Caspian Five”.Taking into account the specifics of the “multi-vector” nature of the South Caucasian states, it is advisable to conduct constant monitoring of Russian approaches to relations with them from the point of view of equal and pragmatic cooperation. This will make it possible to avoid that the resulting vacuum will be occupied by other powers that have been making themselves known more and more in recent years. Therefore, it is vitally important for Moscow that the authorities of the South Caucasus take into account its political interests.

ABKHAZ-GEORGIAN ETHNOPOLITICAL CONFLICT AS A COMPLEX CONFLICT AND PROSPECTS FOR ITS SETTLEMENT

The paper addresses the issue of Abkhaz-Georgian ethnopolitical conflict treating it as not a single process but as the complex case that consists of several consecutive self-sufficient conflicts or sub-conflicts during which different parties had various goals and escalated the situation trying to achieve miscellaneous aims. Although each of these sub-conflicts are looking like historical phases of one conflict, each of them has its own logic and, therefore, requires to be analyzed separately. The first sub-conflict of 1991-1994 can be quite accurately explained from the structuralist perspective as an attempt of the Abkhaz to reconsider their status and break the discriminative social structures developed during imperial and Soviet rule. The second phase 1994-2008 was the period of nationalist mobilization and the new clashes and atrocities were the result of the Georgian and Abkhaz elites’ intention to strengthen their legitimacy and power. Russia's role in this case fits well with the concept of "humanitarian intervention" and does not correspond to the Roger Brubaker’s famous “triadic nexus” (1996). Finally, the last phase of conflict since 2008 can be hardly called an ethnopolitical conflict itself since peace and the military status quo were established after the war of 2008 which neither side can challenge. Therefore, after 2008, it is more appropriate to speak about the need of post-conflict reconciliation instead of Abkhaz-Georgian ethnopolitical conflict. However, none of the parties has taken steps towards this reconciliation yet because the settlement of the conflict is impossible while it continues to be used for nationalist mobilization.

Social Services in Ethnically Mixed Cities: Street-Level Bureaucracy at the Crossroads of Ethno-National Conflict

There is a paucity of research examining street-level bureaucracy in cities affected by ongoing ethnopolitical conflict. This study addresses this limitation by exploring the work of social workers in the public services of mixed cities in Israel. It shows the interconnection between ambiguous institutional policies, varying workers’ views of the role of social services, and changing discretion patterns. Findings also suggest that episodes of conflict escalation intensify staff ethnic sectarianism, as well as increase workers’ own ethnic biases, which affect the ways in which they act as a liaison between the welfare system and citizens through their use of discretion.

ORGANIZED ETHNICITY: TYPOLOGY OF ETHNIC ORGANIZATIONS IN THE MODERN WORLD

Ethnic organizations are definitely the main actors in ethnopolitical processes in the modern world. It is they who act as the main agents of mobilization on ethnic grounds and as a result as the direct initiators and par-ticipants of ethnopolitical conflicts too. Of course, in this context, it becomes necessary to structure the eth-nic organizations' typology. However, the typologies existing at the moment reflect only the formal aspects of the status of ethnic organizations (parties, NGOs, etc.), ignoring the organizational aspects of their func-tioning. In the article, based on the author's database of ethnic organizations in Eastern Europe, a new typol-ogy of ethnic organizations is proposed. Based on empirical data on organizational characteristics of 203 ethnic organizations in Eastern Europe (strategies, representative ability, availability of resources, etc.), and using hierarchical clustering, three functional types of ethnic organizations are identified, depending on their manifestation in ethnopolitical conflict. Moreover, the study identifies an aggregate parameter of the signifi-cance of the organizational characteristics of the ethnic organizations in an ethnopolitical conflict. It is also found that the organizational characteristics of ethnic organizations may describe up to a quarter of the varia-tion in ethnic conflict.

Women for Peace: Promoting Dialogue and Peace through Facebook?

The goal of this study is to examine the ways in which dialogue and peace are promoted and mobilized through a Facebook page in the protracted, ethnopolitical conflict between Israeli-Jews and Palestinians. A thematic qualitative text analysis based on the grounded theory approach was conducted on posts and comments that were published on the Facebook page of the Israeli grassroots movement Women Wage Peace (WWP), created by the Jewish and Arab women that participate in this movement. Our findings point to three major mechanisms through which attempts to mobilize peace were performed: building solidarity, maintaining engagement, and calling for action, thus contributing to our understanding of social media as a dialogue-provoking platform that enables users from different gender and ethnopolitical groups in divided and conflicted societies to perform peacebuilding actions. However, the findings indicate that at the same time, the page also constitutes a space for blatant expressions of hostility, hatred, and sexism that convey a backlash against the initiative and activity of WWP.

Procedures Used in Developing and Validating the Quality of Life Scale in the Context of the Ethno-Political Conflicts in Mathare and Kibra, Nairobi City County, Kenya

Slight differences in standard of living, issuing from horizontal inequalities between ethnic groups, are a predicate of ethnopolitical violence in Kenya. Developing and validating a scale to estimate the quality of life differences, between warring ethnic groups, can deepen our understanding of an important precursor of ethnopolitical conflict. From a careful review of poverty and developmental literature, the 16 items used in the Quality of Life Scale emerged. In subsequent exploratory factor analysis, a three-factor solution surfaced, and this was subjected to confirmatory factor analysis (CFA). The CFA model scale met the criteria for composite reliability, construct validity, and strict factorial invariance. The scale has enriched our understanding of the three latent dimensions of quality of life that matter most in characterizing the quality of life. First, the indicator "proud about your life" was the strongest factor for latent factor social and physical wellbeing. Second, “can save income”, a proxy for quality of employment. This was the leading indicator for latent factor disposable income. Third, and the indicator “house comfortable to live in” was the notable indicator of latent factor living standards. The Quality of Life Scale can track trends in quality of life of ethnic groups that have a history of ethnopolitical conflict in places like Mathare and Kibra. The scale can be used in other known hotspots of violence in Kenya too where ethnic groups are susceptible to ethnopolitical conflict borne of quality of life differences.

South Tyrol Issue as a Factor of Interstate Relations between Italy and Austria

The research highlights the ethnopolitical conflict within the European Union (using the example of the South Tyrol autonomy). The article states the reasons for the formation of separatist sentiments on the territory of this region, considers in detail the foreign policy activities of the Republic of Austria and the relationship between Austria and Italy. This paper discusses the historical background and the current state of the ethnopolitical conflict in the South Tyrol region. The purpose of the study is to disclose the nature and manifestations of the conflict, policy statements, documents, reasons and actions of Austrian and Italian officials, aimed at escalating as well as settlement of the conflict. Taking into consideration the objectives and preferences of the local population, the authors question the possibility of further autonomization of the Italian province and its political self-determination. However, they do not exclude the future aggravation of the conflict and exacerbation of the Austria-Italy relations in the context of the European Union transformation.