scholarly journals Women's issue at the dawn of establishment of civil society in Vladimir Governorate (February – October 1917)

Author(s):  
Tatiana Mikhailovna Akimova

This article explores the establishment of civil society in Vladimir Governorate between the February and October Revolutions of 1917. Women for the first time became legally its full-fledged subject. Based on the documents preserved in the State Archive of Vladimir Region, State Archive of the Russian Federation, press materials (newspapers “Staryi Vladimirets”, “Vladimirskaya Zhizn”, "Svobodny Muromsky Golos”), the author examines the perception of the political events of that time by women of the governorate; outlines the urgent problems that women were concerned with; describes attitude towards the received suffrage and areas of manifestation of their social activity; as well as perception of the new in women’s rights by male part of the population. After the February Revolution of 1917 in Russia, the important steps were taken towards establishment of civil society with women being its full-fledged subject. Among the residents were not engaged in the revolutionary movement, most activity demonstrated the townswomen. They supported the implementation of universal suffrage, created women's communities, and participated in the discussion of urgent problems. Peasant women were mainly concerned with survivability of their families during difficult times. They were not familiar with the political life of the country and governorate, and unaffected by electoral campaigns into the district self-governance. This was justified by their tough financial situation, patriarchal structure in families, and lack of education.

1997 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 899-920 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shaun Kingsley Malarney

Recent Research On The Emergence Of civil society in Asia has illustrated that a range of nonstate actors have begun exercising a demonstrable influence on the politics of many countries in the region. Whether it be such grand manifestations as urban white collar workers or students mobilizing in South Korea to end the rule of Chun Doo Hwan (Lee 1993, 351); the urban Thai middle class uniting in the spring of 1992 to end the authoritarian Suchinda regime (Paribatra 1993); the more assertively political groups such as nongovernmental organizations in Korea, Thailand, and Taiwan working to protect the environment (Lee 1993; Paribatra 1993; Weller and Hsiao 1998); or the more prosaic groups of Chinese factory workers, entrepreneurs, crime syndicates, or qigong devotees slowly reworking the state's boundaries (Chamberlain 1993; Madsen 1993; McCormick, Su and Xiao 1992; Perry 1993; Wank 1995), nonstate actors are challenging the state's control over political life and attempting to redefine the political realm in ways that accommodate their own needs and interests. In Viet Nam, as Carlyle Thayer notes, the development of civil society is at a “nascent” stage in which there is still “little scope for the organisation of activity independent of the party-led command structures” (Thayer 1992, 111). However, despite their relative organizational weakness, Vietnamese citizens have begun asserting their own voice in politics. Emboldened by the 1986 Renovation (Dô'i Mó'i) policy's agenda toward “‘broadening democracy’” (Turley 1993a, 263), many Vietnamese have taken advantage of this opportunity to participate more directly in the political process.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 137
Author(s):  
Bohdan S. Kordan

<p class="EW-abstract"><strong>Abstract:</strong> Responding to a regime that failed to meet the needs of society, the Maidan materialized as a genuine expression of civic resistance and democratic renewal. Placing the individual at the centre of political life not only marks the revitalization of Ukrainian civil society but also serves as a legitimate basis for the transformation of the political order. The Maidan—its values, principles and ethos— offers a framework by which Kyiv might meet the twin challenges of reform and war.</p><p class="EW-Keyword"><strong>Keywords:</strong> Euromaidan, European Union, Geopolitics, Russia, Ukraine</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Gelles ◽  
Mariusz Kozerski ◽  
Joanna Trajman

A comprehensive study analysing the problem of political scandals in FRG from the political, historical, sociological and media perspective. The publication pinpoints the causes and the consequences of political scandals in the country established as a mature democracy with a well-functioning civil society. It analyses the influence such scandals exert on the political scene and stability in the country and shows the dynamics of political careers, linked to the mechanisms of scandalizing inappropriate behaviour of those participating in political life.


Author(s):  
Mason W. Moseley

The fifth chapter introduces the case of Argentina, a country where protest has taken root as a common characteristic of everyday political life over the past two decades. The chapter begins by analyzing the history of protest from Carlos Menem’s election in 1989 to the current Fernández de Kirchner government, arguing that it has indeed crystallized as a routine form of political participation in this regime. I attribute this trend to the weakness of political institutions and strength of Argentine civil society: the two pillars of the protest state. I then proceed to utilize survey data and protest events count data to support this argument, demonstrating that not only has protest become more common over the past two decades, but that it has consolidated as a common mode of political voice for Argentine citizens across demographic groups and the political spectrum.


2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (7) ◽  
pp. 5 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean Hamelin ◽  
Jacques Letarte ◽  
Marcel Hamelin

This essay on electoral geography, the first, perhaps, to be published in Canada, is divided into four distinct parts. The first one deals with the themes of the twenty five provincial electoral campaigns. It includes maps showing the results of the votation in every county of the Province, as divided between the two main political parties, the Liberal and the Conservative. The second part, almost exclusively graphic, examines the political attitude of every provincial county. To circumvent the various problems, graphic curves have been established, indicating the percentage of the liberal and conservative voters and of the nonvoters. In a third part, some aspects of a very particular electoral phenomenon, abstention, are studied. After all possible causes of error had been discarded, a nonvoter curve was obtained, which is used, in particular, to study the fluctuations of the parties. Finally, the influence of the rural vote, a basic element in a long life ministerial party, the geographical distribution of the parties and its evolution within the regions according to certain causes v.g. economic crises, and the Québec electoral System, in relation to the vote and to the parties, are analyzed in a last part about the conditions of political life in the Province of Québec.


Asian Survey ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 189-193 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Case

Political life in Brunei is frequently cast as stultifying, with activity diverted from political parties and civil society to the sultan and his coterie. Indeed, in 2006, with the government's petroleum earnings rising, the only detectable pressures for more openness seemed to emanate from the sultan himself. Staff at the Borneo Bulletin, then the main local daily, this year lamented finding little on the political scene to report.


The problems of the formation of a political culture based on the development of a person’s social activity, its translation into a socio-political one, which is a factor in the formation of students' political culture, are examined. The article is based on a study whose purpose is a comprehensive scientific and theoretical analysis of the political culture of modern students; revealing the features of its formation. The authors argue that political culture is a set of regulations and values that determine the participation of people in the political life of society, the formation of political culture, citizenship among young people is inextricably linked with the process of political socialization, which lays the foundation for basic knowledge, judgments and ideas of the individual about politics, power, the state


Author(s):  
الياس أبوبكر الباروني

There is no doubt that the Libyan society is rich in its demographic and socio-cultural composition, but it was not accompanied by an effective and influential civil society. The tribe was the main controlling factor in the political arena through its political exploitation, especially during the period of Colonel Gaddafi's rule, Rejecting every political color under the pretext of "Who demonstrates other Islamic and civil parties , betrays," and "the partisan abortion of democracy," and the representation of the representation of the "and other political armaments abhorrent, a ranking of the aforementioned is the problem statement of the President’s question of: What is the nature of the role of parties and civil society organizations in political life?. The study aims to identify the emergence of political parties in Libya, clarifying the map of the Islamic parties involved in Libyan political life, and then highlighting the role of civil parties in Libyan political life, as well as standing in the reality of civil society organizations in Libyan political life. The study is a descriptive, descriptive method and a critical analytical approach to understand, study, describe and analyze the role of political parties and civil society organizations and their tools in shaping the political system of Libya, reaching the most important results which was recently created for the first time after the fall of Gaddafi reflected a competitive dynamic, but still lacks the ability to declare specific political programs and identify their political identity and position on current issues related to development issues that Libya seeks to achieve. Following the Libyan revolution in February, a large number of civil society institutions and organizations But it is still limited in activity and there is no presence in all regions of Libya, which reflects the initiative and seek to control the formation of gatherings and federations without having a practical translation at the grassroots level throughout the country.


2015 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 640-650 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cornel Ban

The debate about socio-economic inequalities and class has become increasingly important in mainstream academic and political debates. This article shows that during the late 2000s class analysis was rediscovered in Romania both as an analytical category and as a category of practice. The evidence suggests that this was the result of two converging processes: the deepening crisis of Western capitalism after 2008 and the country’s increasingly transnational networks of young scholars, journalists, and civil society actors. Although a steady and focused interest in class analysis is a novelty in Romania’s academia, media, and political life and has the potential to change the political conversation in the future, so far the social fields where this analysis is practiced have remained relatively marginal.


2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-42
Author(s):  
Rahmatullah Rahmatullah

The existence of a democratic system is strongly influenced by the participation of all parties, including the poor. So far, the poor always associated as apathetic and irrational in politics. and consider any political change will not be much change their fate. However, in the case of DKI Jakarta showed that they are a group of rational, transparent, and participatory enough in politics, though not to the extent that satisfactory. Their knowledge of politics obtained directly from a variety of media and existing facilities. Because it is necessary for the political strengthening of the urban poor, in the form of strengthening the political culture of the participants, which puts them have a real orientation of the systems, structures and processes of political and administrative .. That way they can be involved in a variety of policies oriented towards the improvement of people's lives rate. The phenomenon of the political life of the urban poor is not merely seen from political participation in the form of political activity, but also a social activity


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