scholarly journals La violence des médias vietnamiens à l’encontre des intellectuels critiques

Author(s):  
Thi Thanh Phuong Nguyen-Pochan

FR. Cet article examine la violence médiatique à l’égard de Đỗ Thị Thoan, l’auteure d’un master ès lettres intitulé « La position marginale : la performance poétique du groupe Ouvrir la bouche d’un point de vue culturel », soutenu avec succès en 2010 au sein de l’École normale supérieure de Hanoi. En 2013, son positionnement politique tombe dans le viseur des médias conservateurs qui ont orchestré une campagne de critique non seulement à l’encontre de l’auteure du mémoire et du groupe Ouvrir la bouche, mais aussi et surtout vis-à-vis des chercheurs universitaires, ceux qui ont soutenu le nouveau courant de la critique littéraire dont l’émergence est marquée par la mise en œuvre, depuis 1986, des réformes socioéconomiques connues sous l’appellation de Đổi Mới (le Renouveau). Ce traitement médiatique résulterait, d’une part, de la violence structurelle du régime autoritaire : les médias agissent comme le bras prolongé de l’État et du Parti communiste vietnamien en extériorisant leur état d’âme à travers des formes sensibles du discours. D’autre part, il révélerait la transformation du régime, consistant dans la redéfinition du rôle politique de la critique littéraire, la vulnérabilité du discours de censure et la gestion étatique de la presse dans le contexte de réforme. Cette transformation relèverait d’une fracture idéologique au sein du pouvoir mais aussi de sa volonté de dissimuler cette fracture. Dans une perspective performative et pragmatique, nous appliquerons la méthode de l’analyse du discours à examiner les effets structurels et le sens subjectif de la violence médiatique. En nous appuyant sur un corpus constitué de 16 articles issus de sept médias officiels qui ont couvert l’affaire entre 2013 et 2014, nous analyserons cette violence à travers les pratiques de l’information des médias, leurs pratiques discursives et les enjeux politiques qui en découlent.    ***   EN. This study will examine media violence against Đỗ Thị Thoan, the author of an MA thesis entitled “Marginal position: the Open Mouth group’s poetic experiments from a cultural perspective,” successfully defended in 2010 at the Hanoi National University of Education. In 2013, her political position came under attack by the conservative media, which orchestrated a critical campaign not only against her and the group Open Mouth, but above all against university scholars who supported the new current of literary criticism that emerged with the advent of socioeconomic reforms (Đổi Mới (the Renewal)) promoted by the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV) since 1986. On the one hand, these media attacks were a manifestation of the authoritarian regime's structural violence: media act as an arm of the state and the CPV by externalizing their state of mind through responsive discourse. On the other hand, it exposed a shift in the regime and a redefinition of the political role of literary criticism, a vulnerability of the discourse on censorship and the state's management of the press in the context of the Đổi Mới reform. This shift reflected both an ideological divide within the party, and its desire to conceal this divide. From a performative and pragmatic perspective, we will use discourse analysis to examine the structural effects and subjective meaning of the media violence. Drawing on a corpus of 16 articles from 7 official media outlets that covered the case under study in 2013 and 2014, we will analyze this violence through the news practices of media, their discursive practices and the ensuing political issues.   ***   PT. Este artigo examina a violência na mídia contra Đỗ Thị Thoan, autora de um mestrado em Letras intitulado “A posição marginal: a performance poética do grupo Abra a boca de um ponto de vista cultural", defendido com sucesso em 2010 na Escola Normal Superior de Hanoi. Em 2013, sua posição política caiu na mira da mídia conservadora, que orquestrou uma campanha de críticas não só à autora do livro de memórias e ao grupo Boca Aberta, mas também e sobretudo aos pesquisadores acadêmicos que apoiaram a nova corrente de crítica literária cujo surgimento foi marcado pela implementação, desde 1986, das reformas socioeconômicas conhecidas como Đổi Mới (a Renovação). Esse tratamento midiático resultaria, por um lado, da violência estrutural do regime autoritário: os meios de comunicação atuam como o braço estendido do Estado e do Partido Comunista vietnamita, externalizando seu estado de espírito por meio de formas sensíveis de discurso. Por outro lado, revelaria a transformação do regime, consistindo na redefinição do papel político da crítica literária, a vulnerabilidade do discurso da censura e a gestão estatal da imprensa no contexto da reforma. Essa transformação resultaria de uma divisão ideológica no seio do poder, mas também de seu desejo de encobrir essa divisão. De uma perspectiva performativa e pragmática, aplicaremos o método da análise do discurso para examinar os efeitos estruturais e o significado subjetivo da violência midiática. A partir de um corpus formado por 16 reportagens de sete veículos oficiais que cobriram o caso entre 2013 e 2014, analisaremos essa violência por meio das práticas de informação midiática, suas práticas discursivas e as questões políticas resultantes disso.   ***

2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 201-222
Author(s):  
Berk Esen

With four successful and three failed coups in less than 60 years, the Turkish military is one of the most interventionist armed forces in the global south. Despite this record, few scholars have analyzed systematically how the military’s political role changed over time. To address this gap, this article examines the evolution of civil–military relations (CMR) in Turkey throughout the 1960s and 1970s. Based on a historical analysis, this article offers a revisionist account for the extant Turkish scholarship and also contributes to the broader literature on CMR. It argues that the military’s guardian status was not clearly defined and that the officer corps differed strongly on major political issues throughout the Cold War. This article also demonstrates that the officer corps was divided into opposite ideological factions and political agendas and enjoyed varying levels of political influence due to frequent purges and conjectural changes.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 11-20
Author(s):  
Mariia Moklytsia

Th e article discusses the preparation of the academic edition of the complete works by Lesya Ukrainka for publication carried out by the staff of the Volyn National University named aft er Lesya Ukrainka (Lutsk, Ukraine), with the involvement of leading literary critics of Ukraine. Th e implementation of this large-scale project (a collection of 14 volumes) became possible due to the fact that the university is the owner of the electronic archive of Lesya Ukrainka. Th e manuscript heritage of the writer has become available for detailed study by a wide range of researchers, in addition to remotely. Th e article states that careful processing of manuscripts revealed many problems in studying Lesya Ukrainka’s work, in particular, ideological interference in the process of publishing and interpreting manuscripts, especially draft manuscripts. Th e comparison of rough and clean autographs proved to be especially fruitful for commenting on texts, for an in-depth, and oft en completely new understanding of classical works. Th e organizers set a goal to fully refl ect the handwritten legacy of Lesya Ukrainka in comments and notes. Unfortunately, not every work of the writer received such an in-depth discourse, because many texts are presented in the collection of fi rst editions, as neither draft nor fi nal manuscripts were found. But even the available autographs allow us to interpret the writer’s manuscript heritage as a self-suffi cient object of science, to which it is necessary to apply not only the textual and genetic method but also many other methods of modern literary criticism.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (5) ◽  
pp. 53-62
Author(s):  
T. Beydina ◽  
◽  
A. Litovchenko ◽  

The article analyzes the approaches of Western and Eastern political scientists in the study of political reality in Mongolia. The relevance of the work lies in the fact that the concept of “political reality” in general and in relation to Mongolia in particular was not previously considered in Russian scientific thought. The works of foreign and domestic political scientists-Mongol scholars mainly concerned the study of political processes in this country. A comparative analysis of the information base accumulated by representatives of Western and Eastern scientific thought makes it possible to identify problematic points when Russian scientists refer to it. Considering the question of the position of Western political scientists to the study of Mongolian political reality, it is necessary, first of all, to compare the development of scientific thought on political issues in the countries of the West and the East. Taking into account the main warring parties in the Mongolian political arena, without belittling the role of the Russian Federation in the region, it is advisable to focus on the comparison of the development of political thought in the United States and China, which is what the article is devoted to. Western researchers are now studying Mongolia no longer as an object of political interests, but as a subject of revolutionary actions. When developing the question of political reality in Mongolia, Western Mongol scholars adhere to the egocentric concept of democracy in relation to Mongolia. Chinese political scientists mainly consider the Mongolian issue from the point of view of potential threats to the sovereignty of their country, including taking into account the active actions of the United States to restrain China’s foreign policy in the region. In general, in the analysis of Western and Eastern researchers of the late XIX – early XX centuries, the political role of Mongolia was underestimated. However, a source base of empirical research was prepared, which formed the conditions for further study of this country as an object of political processes. At the same time, Mongolia is often considered as an integral part of Inner Asia, which includes both Mongolia itself and the Russian Altai, the Republics of Buryatia and Tyva, as well as the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region of the People’s Republic of China. All this actualizes the need to develop the problem of the Mongolian political reality


2019 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 375-391
Author(s):  
Henk van der Liet

Abstract Inspired by the spatial turn in literary criticism, this article seeks to combine a traditional biographical approach of the versatile oeuvre of the late 19th Century Danish poet, painter and bon vivant Holger Drachmann (1846–1908), with a space-oriented perspective. One of the key concepts of the Scandinavian literature of the latter half of the 19th Century, the era of the so-called Modern Breakthrough, was to promote a literature that dealt with contemporary social issues; at the same time, many of the artists who adhered to this program turned their backs on everyday routine, by frequently travelling and living abroad for long periods. Especially Southern Europe, and in particular Italy was a favorite destination. In Drachmann’s oeuvre too, the lure of the South is omnipresent, but his initial infatuation with Italy shifts radically between his first (1867) and second (1876) journey to the country, from an Orientalist notion of Italy as an eroticised Nirvana, to a horrendously degenerate country. This case study proposes a spatial reading of one of Drachmann’s still well-known poems, ”Sakuntala” (1879), where the lure of travel, exoticism and erotic enticement are brought together in a poem, in which travel is a mere metaphor for the state of mind in which exotic landscapes morph into erotic spaces, while eroticist desire remains forever unfulfilled.


Author(s):  
T. Trush

The purpose article will deal with the works by William of Ockham, an English scholastic philosopher Franciscan. Interconnection of the thinker's philosophical views with his political judgments is highlighted. The tasks and duties of the Church and the state are defined. The results of this study have been developed and introduced into the educational process of the Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. This is a discipline "History of Philosophy" in "Political Science". The results of the article give an opportunity to broaden and deepen theoretical knowledge of students in the field of historical and philosophical science of the Middle Ages. This article deals directly with William of Ockham's political thought. The influence of Ockham's philosophical opinions on political views is also shown. The political illness of papacy plenitude potestatis and the possibilities of solving it is clarified. As Okkama's authorial position in solving political issues is far from perfect, the article shows the progress in solving Marsilius of Padua's political issues. The obtained results allow stating that such studies give a possibility to deepen the theoretical knowledge of the students "political science" and "public service" at the Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv.


Author(s):  
René Cuperus

This chapter explores how European social democracy is threatened to be undermined and overrun by radical left-wing competitors and right-wing populist opponents. The pan-European rise of right-wing populism has had far-reaching consequences. First of all, the political and public agenda has shifted from a socioeconomic perspective to a cultural perspective. Right-wing populism is ‘culturalising’ all political issues, and is characterised by a nativist focus on putting its ‘own people first’. Second, right-wing populism portrays and demonises social democracy as forming the elite ‘which betrays ordinary people’. It also depicts social democratic parties as being simply parties for migrants. By doing so, right-wing populists deliberately seek to distance traditional social democratic voters from social democratic parties. Third, the rise of right-wing populism is increasing opportunities for right-wing or Conservative governments.


2017 ◽  
Vol 55 ◽  
pp. 35-45
Author(s):  
Eva C. Karpinski

This article examines Hélène Cixous’s biographical monograph The Exile of James Joyce as a limit case of biographical praxis. Joyce’s biography is read in the context of Cixous’s own evolving personal motif of exile, revealing her autobiographical investment in becoming a writer through reading Joyce. She pushes the boundaries of the biographical genre at the intersections of autobiography, literary criticism, and biography, defying simple generic classifications and exposing the limits of conventional demarcations between the artist, the work, the biographer, and the critic. As a result, the text becomes a creative-interpretive hybrid project, where the biographical code has been displaced by focus on epistemological, psychological, and textual problems implicit in the rela­tionship between the biographer and the biographical subject. Her approach invites us to consider the following questions: How does she rewrite Joyce through her own multiple experiences of exile that she also shares with Jacques Derrida? What difference does gender make in the construction of the biographical subject as the great modernist “genius”? How does gender marginalization impact her authority as a biographer? The discussion is also framed through some larger questions concerning the aesthetic, epistemological, ethical, and political role of biography in approaching modernist literature and culture: Is biography an art or a craft? What kind of knowledge does biography generate? How far is biography a form of discursive violence and voyeurism? How can attention to affect and intimacy offer new insights into the aesthetics of the biographical genre?


Pelícano ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 198
Author(s):  
Fabiana Graciela Takahashi

ResumenLa siguiente es una entrevista a la intelectual brasileña Regina Dalcastagnè, influyente docente e investigadora que radica sus estudios en la Universidad Nacional de Brasilia, desde donde establece una importante red de investigación nacional e internacional a partir del interés por la literatura brasileña contemporánea. Por otra parte, la entrevista da cuenta de su tarea como coordinadora de notables grupos que se constituyen en ámbitos de formación de docentes y alumnos de grado y posgrado, como directora de reconocidas publicaciones y también como organizadora de espacios de reflexión teórica acerca de la realidad de la literatura actual, siempre en relación con la política nacional, que explicita un acto de militancia social y compromiso ético y reivindicatorio de las voces históricamente silenciadas por la hegemonía cultural del circuito intelectual brasileño.Palabras clave: Regina Dalcastagnè, literatura brasileña contemporánea, compromiso ético y político, crítica literaria y resistencia.AbstractThe following is an interview with the Brazilian intellectual Regina Dalcastagnè, an influential teacher and researcher who pursues her studies at the National University of Brasilia, from where she establishes an important national and international research network based on her interest in contemporary Brazilian literature. On the other hand, the interview gives an account of her work as coordinator of remarkable groups that constitute themselves as areas of teacher training and undergraduate and postgraduate students, as director of recognized publications and also as an organizer of spaces for theoretical reflection on the reality of today’s literature, always related to national politics, which expresses an act of social militancy and ethical commitment, and the vindication of voices historically silenced by the cultural hegemony of the Brazilian intellectual circuit.Key words: Regina Dalcastagnè, Contemporary Brazilian Literature, Ethical And Political Commitment, Literary Criticism And Resistance.


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