scholarly journals Intensifying the Assimilation of Indians in the Сontext of Implementing the Indian Act

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-109
Author(s):  
V. V. Timofeev

The article examines the policy of Canadian authorities toward the indigenous population (Indian policy) within the framework of implementing the Indian Act. The analysis concerns the policies from the second half of the 19th century to the beginning of the 20th century and the long-lasting effects of those, which remained existential in the second half of the 20th century, the Oka crisis in particular. The literature shows it is necessary to identify the whole range of the factors that determined the implementation of assimilationist policies and to trace the influence they had on subsequent events in the historical perspective. To provide a comprehensive outlook, taking into account such processes as territorial consolidation, colonization and demographic tendencies, the research is based on inductive assumptions. The central assumption why such policies arose is the demographic factor, being the key cause of the inter-racial and inter-ethnic imbalance. This, in turn, provoked the assertive stance taken by the political elites toward the indigenous. It is due to the Anglo-Saxon chauvinism that shaped the attitudes of the Canadian elites and thus became the ideological trend of the late 19th ‒ early 20th century Canada. The Anglo-Canadian nationalists’ intention to ensure the predominance of the Britishness element in the emerging Canadian society is demonstrated to have stemmed from the transatlantic ties with the former metropole. The discriminatory measures taken under the Indian Act that were explored in the text demonstrate that the processes of the Canadian state’s evolution and the ideological tendencies were marred by innate discrimination. The connection between the political measures implemented in the past and the current situation is considered. The Indian policy laid down the foundation for the inter-ethnic tensions that can manifest themselves in modern Canada. The Oka crisis of 1990 serves as the example. The scientific discussion of the effects of the Indian policy and of that particular case that involved the indigenous population and the military was analyzed, and alternative perspectives perceiving the Canadian soldiers as peacekeepers were scrutinized. The dominant scientific position based on criticizing the assimilationist Indian policy, discriminatory measures against the First Nations and ethnic intolerance is concluded to be justified. And therefore the study is politically and historically relevant: it is important to understand that the discriminatory ethnic policy is often integral to the development of seemingly respectable political regimes, which maintains the effects, sometimes hidden, of such discrimination on modern social (dis)integration.

Author(s):  
Willibald Rosner

War and Peace. Land and Military in Direct Confrontation 1797–1918. This chapter focuses on the extremes in relations between the land and the military. The first part deals with the period until 1866, when wars actually took place on Lower Austrian soil and foreign forces were stationed in the land. Here the analysis centres on strategies developed by the population to cope with extraordinary situations. The second section deals with the emergence of the military as a state regulatory power in the sphere of internal and public security in war and peace. The social conflicts following the Vormärz and the political movements in the second half of the 19th century played a role here, as did the First World War, when, although Lower Austria was not a frontline area, the military were the dominant factor in terms of internal security, public control, working life and food security.


2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-43
Author(s):  
Roger A. Boyer

The Canadian Government released a document to aid in the relationships between the Government of Canada and First Nations around the ratification and redesign of the Indian Act of 1876. The name of this document was the “White Paper.” The Federal Government's “White Paper, statement of Government of Canada on Indian Policy of 1969,” rejected the concept of special status for First Nations within confederation—they should have the same rights and responsibilities as other Canadians. The Federal Government argued treaty rights were irrelevant in today's society; the important issues demanding attention included economic, educational, and social problems. In Canada's assessment of the “savage” situation, the government could not see wellness wholistically addressing the poverty, social crises, and bleak future faced by most First Peoples was rooted in the very denial of treaty rights and humanness. This article pushes to educate health leaders about current circumstances contributing to racism.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (6) ◽  
pp. 138-144
Author(s):  
Gofforov Shokir Safarovich1 ◽  
Tursunova Gavhar

The Russian rulers seeker to establish the  military-political supremacy of the Russian Empire in Turkestan and begun the mass migration of orthodox population who could be the reliable support to the Russian army in the area. The immigrants were settled in privileged conditions that served as the good basis for the establishment of colonial rules of governing. The have envisaged the plan of transforming the territory of Turkestan to the comfortable military-strategik base.


Author(s):  
William J. Abraham

‘The impact of Methodism’ considers Methodism’s impact on and contribution to social movements, politics, education, and healthcare. Social movements that were deeply influenced by Methodism include the abolition of slavery in the 19th century and the Temperance Movement in the 20th century. The Methodist tradition has always encouraged diversity of judgement in the political arena and Methodists can be found on both the conservative and progressive wings of politics. One of the most important expressions of social holiness in Methodism shows up in its role in education. Methodists founded numerous successful schools and universities around the world. Methodism has also had an impact on popular and high culture.


Author(s):  
П.П. Рыхтик

Рассматривается проблема влияния идеологической концепции панславизма на систему отношений великих держав и малых акторов в Балканском регионе начала ХХ века. Дается взгляд на теорию панславизма как явления мировой общественно-политической мысли, зародившегося в XIX веке и представляющего собой многосоставное и неопределенное понятие, наполнявшееся различным смыслом отдельными теоретиками. Особое внимание уделяется чертам русского панславизма как одного из ответвлений данного течения, наиболее актуального в рамках общественно-политического дискурса поздней Российской империи. Указывается на влияние на русский панславистский дискурс следующих основных факторов: актуальных задач балканской политики России, образов «братьев-славян», формировавшихся в русском общественно-политическом сознании в XIX — начале ХХ века, и связанной с данным образом метафоры «славянской взаимности»; развитие и усиление популярности в России к рубежу XIX–XX веков идей славянофилов. Приводится анализ постепенного проникновения элементов панславистского дискурса из комплекса идей поздних славянофилов, в частности на основе работ и речей В. И. Ламанского, в тексты официального характера (планы, донесения, аналитические записки) Генерального штаба (Главного штаба) Российской империи в начале ХХ века, посвященные вопросам русского военного и политического влияния в системе международных отношений на Балканах начала ХХ века. Делается вывод об особенностях данного идеологического проникновения панславистской концепции в ее взаимодействии с образом «малых» южнославянских народов в сознание подданных Российской империи, с мифом о «братьях-славянах», об актуальной политической обстановке, в которой находилась Россия. The article traces the influence of the ideology of Pan-Slavism on the interaction of major and minor countries in the Balkans in the early 20th century. Pan-Slavism is treated as a social and political philosophy which originated in the 19th century to become a versatile and heterogeneous concept, which is differently interpreted by different theoreticians. The article focuses on Russian Pan-Slavism as a variety of this philosophy typical of social and political discourse of the late Russian Empire. The article highlights the great influence exerted upon Russian Pan-Slavism by the following factors: Russian objectives in the Balkans, the idea of Slavic fraternity, the popularity of Slavophilism in Russia at the turn of the 19th — 20th centuries. The article analyzes the process of gradual penetration of Pan-Slavic ideas shared by late Slavophiles, V. I. Lamansky in particular, into official texts (plans, reports, analytical notes) issued by the General Headquarters of the Russian Empire in the early 20th century and devoted to the discussion of Russian military and political influence on the system of international relations in the Balkans in the early 20th century. The author focuses on the peculiarities of the Pan-Slavic penetration and the image of Southern Slavs in the Russian Empire. The author also focuses on the idea of Slavic fraternity and the political situation in Russia.


Asian Studies ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 87-109
Author(s):  
Maria Paola CULEDDU

The term bushidō is widespread today and involves history, philosophy, literature, ­sociology and religion. It is commonly believed to be rooted in the ancient “way” of the bushi or samurai, the Japanese warriors who led the country until modern times. However, even in the past the bushi were seldom represented accurately. Mostly, they were depicted as the authors thought they should be, to fulfil a certain role in society and on the political scene.By taking into account some ancient and pre-modern writings, from the 8th to the 19th centuries, from the ancient chronicles of Japan, war tales, official laws, letters, to martial arts manuals and philosophical essays, and by highlighting some of the bushidō values, this article attempts to answer the questions how and why the representation of the bushi changed from the rise of the warrior class to the end of the military government in the 19th century.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (8) ◽  
pp. 48-58
Author(s):  
S. A. Abselemov

The article examines the materials of the anti-colonial discourse of the second half of the 19th – early 20th centuries, which is based on the ideas of the national intelligentsia of Kazakhstan about the status of the indigenous population of the Steppe Territory in imperial projects and colonization practices. The research of the written sources and activities of the liberal national intelligentsia revealed, that the priority was given to criticism of Russia's imperial policy towards nomadic groups of the population. This paper aims to identify the sociocultural conditions of the formation of the national intelligentsia, as well as the approaches of the early Kazakhstan historiography to the assessment of the factors of the agrarian colonization. As a result, the author found out that implementing the policy of “big Russian nation”, the Russian authorities tried to create the favorable conditions for the natural Russification of the Kazakh elite. The political measures included among the others the involvement in education and management system. Thus the emerging layer of the national intelligentsia actively participated in the imperial activity o intended to study of the colonization fund, jointly with a detachment of state officials – groups with common signs of professional identity. in the second half of the 19th century, in the period of growing popularity of separatist sentiments in Kazakhstan, the national intelligentsia, educated in the European spirit, actively perceived the ideas of Siberian regionalism, and in the early 20th century – radical leftist parties and movements, which strengthened the anti-colonial the focus of their rhetoric.


Ratio Juris ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (32) ◽  
pp. 17-50
Author(s):  
José Fernando Valencia Grajales ◽  
Mayda Soraya Marín Galeano ◽  
Juan Carlos Beltrán López

Since the time of independence, the military has permeated politics by controlling the most important positions of the respective Latin American governments, these influences have caused a series of direct influences on the political, economic, cultural and social conception of the states. Directing the mythical-political referents accepted or formal, with a tendency to the right or conservatism-religious to the detriment of others, generating socio-political reactions against from a reactionary or raised in arms. But these responses from the left have provoked dictatorial political or military responses. The methodology used for the present analysis is based on critical historical construction, critical discourse analysis and normative and political hermeneutics, which will allow us to show the influence of the military within countries, as well as policy interference Exterior.


Author(s):  
Timothy Wilson ◽  
Mara Favoretto

In the 20th century Argentina experienced a series of dictatorial regimes of varying intensity, but the last dictatorship stands apart. The Process of National Reorganization or Proceso (1976–1983) was not only the most brutally repressive, “disappearing” 30,000 of its own citizens into concentration camps, but also the most ambitious in terms of ideological mission. Its campaign, officially called “the war against subversion,” was committed to the total eradication of leftist ideas from the political landscape of the country by any means necessary. This radical transformation was to be brought about not only in the torture chamber, but in the media as well. The regime planned an Orwellian redefinition of words: the systematic creation of a national vocabulary that would exclude certain ideas and parties. In order to achieve its overt project of the appropriation of language, the junta maintained obsessive control over the media, instituted strict censorship reinforced by terror, and bombarded the airwaves and newspapers with official communiqués. In the face of this repression, most journalists and writers and many artists could not express dissent of any kind. Yet singers of a new Argentine music genre that came to be known as rock nacional developed codified and oblique metaphorical expression in their lyrics that allowed them to evade censorship and to continue to criticize the military regime with relative impunity. Moreover, many Argentine youths found solace in the music and used it to create communities in which they could meet and express themselves. The regime had sought to deny young Argentines a forum for public speech; however, together artists and listeners created a rock nacional culture that provided community for the isolated and lent a voice to the silenced.


Author(s):  
Marcelo Casals

Anticommunism was a central force in the history of the Chilean political conflict in the 20th century. Not only did several political actors define their identities and actions by their opposition to Marxist-inspired revolutionary projects, but also the state in different moments excluded and persecuted everything identified as “communist.” To a great extent, anticommunism relied on three main “frameworks”: Catholicism, nationalism, and liberalism, all of which were crucial elements in the construction of the Republic since the 19th century. Different combinations and interpretations within each framework resulted in different anticommunist expressions, from pro-fascist movements and nationalist groups to the conservative-liberal right wing, the Social Christian center and even moderate socialists. Many of them, especially in the second half of the 20th century, understood anticommunism as a defense of different variations of capitalism. Of course, anticommunism was not a uniquely Chilean phenomenon. It was, in fact, an ideological trend worldwide. This conditioned the reception in Chile of global events and ideas, while it enabled the construction of transnational networks among related actors. The enactment of the Law of Permanent Defense of Democracy in 1948, which outlawed the Communist Party, symbolized the alignment of Chilean politics to Cold War bipolarity. However, the Marxist left was able to recover during the “long Sixties,” in a political and cultural environment marked by the Cuban Revolution. The Popular Unity government was the materialization of all anticommunist fears. The counter-revolutionary bloc created then paved the way to the 1973 coup and the subsequent military dictatorship, which used anticommunism as state ideology. Human rights violations were legitimated by the dictatorship from that ideological framework. Anticommunism decayed by the late 1980s alongside socialist experiences around the world.


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