The Future of Al-Aqsa Mosque In the Light Of Trump’s Deal of the Century

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (Summer 2020) ◽  
pp. 215-235
Author(s):  
Khalid El-Awaisi ◽  
Cuma Yavuz

U.S. President Donald Trump declared his long-awaited and debated Middle East ‘peace plan,’ the so-called ‘deal of the century,’ in January 2020, standing alongside Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. He promised to keep Jerusalem as Israel's undivided and united capital with recognition of Israeli sovereignty over the West Bank. With regards to al-Aqsa Mosque, the plan puts forth the Zionist prospect and point of view, while undermining the Islamic importance of the area. It reduces the area of al-Aqsa Mosque to one single building of the Mosque’s compound and in practical terms, it intends that the whole area of al-Aqsa Mosque (al-Haram al-Sharif) be transformed to allow open access for prayer for visitors of all faiths and thus to end Muslim control over the site of one of Islam’s holiest mosques. The plan would, in practice, lead to three main changes that would undo the centuries-old status quo completely: the transfer of the site to Israeli sovereignty, the repealing of Jordan's apparent custodianship over it, and the expiry of the ban on non-Muslim prayer. This, in turn, would give Israel full control over the site of al-Aqsa Mosque compound, something it could not achieve during the 1967 occupation of the city. Such changes would not only mean that Muslims lose further access to their mosque, but would also allow people of other faiths, particularly Jews, to share the site with Muslims in preparation for a full Jewish monopoly over the site and the building of a Jewish temple on its site.

2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-15

This section covers items pertaining to Israeli settlement activity in the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and the Golan Heights. Significant developments during the quarter 16 November 2016 through 15 February 2017 include: in anticipation of changes to U.S. policy on settlements under incoming U.S. president Donald Trump, Terrestrial Jerusalem and other settlement watch groups outlined the areas they consider most vulnerable to settlement expansion. While the Israeli Security Cabinet voted on 22 January to postpone discussion of a bill facilitating the annexation of the Ma'ale Adumim settlement until after Trump and Prime Minister Netanyahu had a chance to meet in person, many analysts highlighted the probable annexation of settlements in East Jerusalem and even possibly part of Area C of the West Bank. Peace Now released a report estimating that 4,000 settlement units and 55 illegal outposts would be retroactively legalized under the recently enacted Regulation Law and documenting the 3,000 additional units that could be newly expropriated under the law (see Update on Conflict & Diplomacy in JPS 46 [3] for more on new Israeli legislation).


2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-5

This quarter began less than one month after the 20 January 2017 inauguration of U.S. president Donald Trump, whose stated positions on settlements and the two-state solution, at times contradicting decades of U.S. policy, had far-reaching implications for Palestinians. Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu was emboldened by the regime change in Washington and the new administration's lack of organization and experience. Within two months of the inauguration, observers marked a sharp increase in the demolition of Palestinian homes and in announcements of renewed Israeli settlement construction. In fact, just two days after Trump was sworn into office, the Jerusalem municipality approved the construction of 566 new housing units, which had earlier been delayed under pressure from outgoing U.S. president Barack Obama. And on 24 January, the Israeli government announced plans for 2,500 new settlement units in the West Bank. In early February, Israeli lawmakers passed the so-called Regularization Bill, retroactively legalizing the expropriation of private Palestinian land. As settlement plans continued to grow apace, the end of the quarter saw the submission of a measure extending Israeli sovereignty to Ma'ale Adumim before a Knesset committee. Some MKs were also considering the annexation of the E1 zone into Ma'ale Adumim, which would effectively sever the northern from the southern West Bank and create a impassable zone for Palestinians around East Jerusalem. Bedouin communities inside E1 resisted persistent expulsion threats and demolition orders, while the world's soccer governing body FIFA refused to take on the issue of soccer clubs inside settlements.


Significance This also comes as indirect US nuclear talks with Iran resume in Vienna, despite concerted Israeli opposition. US President Joe Biden is in effect withdrawing the unconditional backing his predecessor Donald Trump gave Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu. Impacts The Gaza ceasefire will be fragile, with a significant chance of renewed hostilities in the short-to-medium term. The appointment of a new Mossad chief, David Barnea, may lower the profile of but will not materially change Israeli-US intelligence ties. The United States will further increase financial support to both Gaza and the West Bank. In a more serious possible future war against Hezbollah, Washington might not back a major Israeli military incursion into Lebanon.


2002 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 143-145
Author(s):  
Peretz Barak ◽  
Harvey Gordon

Israel is a nation of ancient and contemporary interest. Its population is made up of approximately 5 million Jews, 1 million Arabs and a few other small minorities. As in the Arab world more generally, most Arabs in Israel are Muslim, with a small percentage being Christian (Bin-Talal, 1995). More than 2 million Arabs also live on the West Bank and in Gaza (Abdeen & Abu-Libdeh, 1993), currently under partial autonomous Palestinian rule and the foci for ongoing negotiation of a potential Palestinian State. Close links have historically existed between Arabs and Jews in the Middle East, notwithstanding current military and political conflict (Goitein, 1989). The city of Jerusalem is held in reverence by all three of the monotheistic religions.


2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-26

This section comprises international, Arab, Israeli, and U.S. documents and source materials, as well as an annotated list of recommended reports. Significant developments this quarter: In the international diplomatic arena, the UN Security Council approved Resolution 2334, reaffirming the illegality of Israeli settlements and calling for a return to peace negotiations. Additionally, former U.S. secretary of state John Kerry delivered a final address on the Israel-Palestine conflict, outlining a groundwork for negotiations. Two weeks later, international diplomats met in Paris to establish incentives for Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Palestinian Authority president Mahmoud Abbas to return to the negotiating table. Despite international discussions of peace talks and the impediment settlements pose to a two-state solution, the Israeli Knesset passed the controversial Regulation Law, enabling the government to retroactively legalize settlements and confiscate Palestinian land throughout the West Bank. Meanwhile, U.S. president Donald Trump took office on 20 January 2017, and he wasted no time before inviting Netanyahu to the White House for their first meeting, in February.


Author(s):  
Heba Khalid Sleem, Yousef Jaber Alawwneh Heba Khalid Sleem, Yousef Jaber Alawwneh

  This study aimed to identify the role of educational media in meeting the scientific needs of students in light of the Corona pandemic from the point of view of Palestinian university students in the west bank and to achieve the objectives of the study the descriptive analytical approach was adopted and a questionnaire of (30) paragraphs (337) was developed and distributed among students of Palestinian universities in the West Bank, and then statistically processed using the Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS.) Palestinian university students came up with a total average of (3.49 out of 5), and this result means that the role of educational media in meeting the scientific needs of students ranged from high to low. As it appeared, there were no statistically significant differences at the level of indication (0.05α=) in the average responses of the study sample members towards the role of educational media in meeting the scientific needs of students in the light of the corona crisis attributable to each of the variables (gender, university system) while there were differences attributable to both the variable (practical college and place of residence, based on the results of the study). The researchers recommended that educational media should focus on providing students with new experiences in their field of educational media and that all Palestinian universities should allocate more than one educational broadcast in order to provide opportunities for all students in all disciplines to learn.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Presya Ramadhan

This paper examines the role of Middle East Investment Initiative (MEII) in development in the West Bank, Palestine in the U.S.-Palestine Partnership (UPP) framework. Answering the question of how the role of the Middle East Investment Initiative (MEII) in development in Palestine in the US-Palestine Partnership (UPP) framework and how the contribution of Public-Private Partnership (PPP) to development in Palestine, the author's thesis statement is that amid diplomatic and territorial disputes, The Middle East Investment Initiative (MEII) as a public-private partnership becomes the main channel for collecting and channeling development assistance such as resources and private sector investment that can benefit the West Bank and bring prosperity to people Palestinians. While the private sector such as the Middle East Investment Initiative (MEII) cannot do much to address diplomacy or security issues, the private sector can play an equally important role through the contribution of resources and investment to conflict areas such as Palestine to help economic development In the West Bank, Palestine.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. p10
Author(s):  
Ayman R. Nazzal ◽  
Mohammad F. Khmous

This study investigates the inaccuracies manifested in the translation of dental terms from English into Arabic by Palestinian dentists. It underscores the fact that the translation of dental terms is part and parcel of technical translation; and accounts for the major causes and provides an adequate solution for such inaccuracies.The findings of the study point out the shortcomings of using different dental translation strategies simultaneously for the same term and point out that the experience and the institutional background of the dentists have a profound impact on the accuracy of translating dental terms. The findings have also underlined the difference between technical and conventional translation rules. While the study points out that dentists have used Arabicisation, transliteration, and descriptive translation strategies for the accomplishment of adequate equivalences in the translation of dental terms, it has shown also that Arabicisation is highly neglected and rarely used by dentists in comparison with the other two translation strategies. Transliteration is the most common especially among specialists and descriptive is mainly used by dentists with non-specialists.The methodology used in this study relied heavily on the data taken from a pilot study, carried out through the distribution of a questionnaire to a hundred dentists at the American University in the city of Jenin and in the city of Nablus on the West Bank, followed with a number of personal interviews with a number of dentists.


Author(s):  
Eyal Zisser

This article describes how in the middle of the winter of 2010 the “Spring of the Arab Nations” suddenly erupted without any warning all over the Middle East. However, the momentum of the uprisings was impeded rather quickly, and the hopes held out for the “Spring of the Arab Nations” turned into frustration and disappointment. While many Israelis were focusing their attention in surprise, and some, with doubt and concern as well about what was happening in the region around them; suddenly, in Israel itself, at the height of the steamy summer of 2011, an “Israeli Spring” broke out. The protesters were young Israelis belonging to the Israeli middle class. Their demands revolved around the slogan, “Let us live in our land.” However, similar to what happened in the Arab world, the Israeli protest subsided little by little. The hassles of daily life and security and foreign affairs concerns once more became the focus of the public's attention. Therefore, the protesters' hopes were disappointed, and Israel's political, economic, and social order remained unshaken. Thus, towards the end of 2017, the memory of the “Israeli spring” was becoming faded and forgotten. However, while the Arab world was sinking into chaos marked by an ever deepening economic and social crisis that deprived its citizens of any sense of security and stability, Israel, by contrast, was experiencing years of stability in both political and security spheres, as well as economic growth and prosperity. This stability enabled Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his Likud party to remain in power and to maintain the political and social status-quo in Israel.


2008 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 150-158
Author(s):  
Geoffrey Aronson

This section covers items––reprinted articles, statistics, and maps––pertaining to Israeli settlement activities in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and the Golan Heights. Unless otherwise stated, the items have been written by Geoffrey Aronson for this section or drawn from material written by him for Report on Israeli Settlement in the Occupied Territories (hereinafter Settlement Report), a Washington-based bimonthly newsletter published by the Foundation for Middle East Peace. JPS is grateful to the foundation for permission to draw on its material.


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