Civil Society from Historical to Contemporary Perspectives

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ardian Kastrati

Many scholars think that because of its ambiguous nature the definition of the civil society concept sometimes is meaningless. Civil society belongs to a group of sociological and political theory concepts such as freedom, justice, equality and democracy that are not clearly demarcated. At least two specific dimensions of the civil society concept are distinguishable: the theoretical and the normative role. In the context of theoretical role the concept of civil society analyzes dimensions of social life and social values, with citizens and civil organizations as key actors. The normative role serves to motivate and mobilize citizens and other social actors for the establishment and development of various contents and forms of civil activities. The normative function is mostly manifested during periods of transition from less to more democratic societies. Both dimensions of the civil society concept have played significant roles, especially in countries where the position of civil society has traditionally played a marginal role. Discussing the concept of civil society is quite fashionable today. Civil society is a popular term with politicians, academics and international agencies. We frequently hear politicians talk about the needs of the state and the market for a civil society. As a result, a number of authors and social and political theorists have stressed its critical importance in the processes of democratic change. The concept of civil society has been defended in various ways by a variety of political and social theorists. Today’s content of civil society does not result with a commonly accepted definition of the term, but focuses on whether the term should be a normative or non-normative tool of social science, and whether economic, religious and family relations should be considered as part of it. This paper will focus on the various meanings of civil society; a tentative definition on civil society will be introduced as well as various existing discourses of civil society.

MEST Journal ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 192-198
Author(s):  
Marek Stych

The family is the oldest social group. It can be observed at all the stages of the development of particular societies and in all countries, regardless of their political systems. Therefore it is a natural element of the social structure, defined as the basic unit of social life. Along with socio-cultural changes, it undergoes various transformations. The changes affect the adopted models of family life or intra-family relations. They also leave a mark on the concept of family itself. Its definition and status are determined by factors such as: one's place of residence, being part of a specific social structure (education, professional group, financial situation), and religious affiliation. Another relevant factor is one’s political affiliation. Although the family is evolving (e.g. the way we understand it and its functions are changing), it still remains the basic unit within which specific processes take place, such as passing on values, norms, and patterns of behavior. The article aims to present selected international, European, and Polish legal solutions about the definition of the family and some of its features. The interpretation of international standards relating to the family and its members aims to answer the question of whether the concept of the family itself is permanent in the law, or whether it is evolving. The research method used in the paper is the dogmatic and legal method. The article ends with conclusions. relationships.


Pravovedenie ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-34
Author(s):  
Valentina L. Zingari ◽  

According to the Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH), social actors are at the core of the ICH. Article 2 proposes a subjective, creative and dynamic definition of heritage based on community, groups and individuals (CGIs), highlighting a spiritual connection: ICH safeguarding must respect the “sense of identity and continuity” of CGIs — the main actors in the process of heritage transmission. This community-based vision of heritage is developed in the text of the Convention, the Operational Directives, and reinforced since 2016 by the Twelve Ethical principles introduced in the Basic Texts. A Convention is much more than a text: it determines political, social and cultural contexts, as well as processes of change. A normative tool conceived as guidelines for governments, permeates social life, becoming a framework for the actions and evolution of civil society. This article reflects on the following case study: the “Tocatì Programme for the Safeguarding of Traditional Games and Sports” (TGS). The programme started in Verona, Italy in 2003, connecting a network of communities and building relationships through the organization of an international event: The “Tocatì Festival of Games in the Streets”. From the beginning, this social movement has strengthened the support of institutions at different levels, connecting people, communities and living traditions with representatives of institutions, researchers, artists and policymakers. The cultural association coordinating Tocatì, Associazione Giochi Antichi (AGA) met the UNESCO ICH Convention in 2007. The author examines what has changed in the framework of the Convention in regard to the history of a community-based process and how the Tocatì experience contributes to the effective implementation of the Convention today. An attempt is made to identify the key factors, actors and steps of the Tocatì cultural, social and political process. This is a story that improves our understanding of the role of civil society in the complex, often conflictual and powerful dynamic of heritage-making.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-96
Author(s):  
Iam-chong Ip

Abstract My research addresses how social actors “act upon” social change by generating self-interpretation and representation of social life on the one hand and control over values and cultural orientations against the authorities on the other. While the existing literature on social movements overemphasizes the moments of mobilization, this article examines the intersections of social activism, online curative practices, and their everyday life. For this article, I opted to depict three representative cases of Hong Kong young activists who joined the Umbrella Movement in 2014. I argue that despite their similar political experiences, there are three divergent forms of agency embodied in their cultural representations. They figure in contestations which increasingly alienate the politicized crowd from civil society and the establishment.


Author(s):  
Maria João Santos

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to propose incorporating another theoretical perspective enabling corporate social responsibility (CSR) to be approached more structurally and with correspondingly broader impacts. Despite CSR being associated with competitive advantage and providing recognised sustainability related benefits, it is argued that the individual CSR results of each company and community acting separately remain insufficient not only in terms of individual competitiveness but also in terms of achieving a global and systemic improvement. Design/methodology/approach – It is from this perspective that the clusters concept and the territorial social responsibility (SR) concept are advanced as susceptible to bringing important insights for advancing SR. This article seeks to reflect on the potential of SR networks for strengthening competitiveness and bringing about sustainable development. Based upon a theoretical review of the CSR literature, limitations are discussed before setting out alternative action strategies for the construction of networks focusing upon generating territorial dynamics within the logic of global sustainability. Findings – The idea of CSR clusters and territorial SR presupposes groupings of companies located in the same territory and engaged in some degree of interaction with other local actors to optimise practices contributing towards sustained regional development in an integrated and global perspective. The definition of social goals shared by different actors structured within a network thus improves the design and implementation of actions that extend beyond a micro-scale of action, with significant benefits accruing to local communities. Analysis of these forms of social innovation, based on integrated CSR networks, constitutes the central objective of the present research. Research limitations/implications – This theoretical perspective is, in turn, based upon the assumption that only the consideration of a wider and more extensive conception of CSR, which aligns and guides various social actors (companies, civil society organisations and local authorities) and seeks to nurture integrated SR networks, will be able to drive development characterised by significant higher levels of sustainability. Practical implications – These concepts (SR clusters and territorial SR) presuppose groupings of companies located in the same territory and engaged in some degree of interaction with other local actors are able to optimise practices contributing towards sustained regional development from an integrated and global perspective. The definition of social goals shared by different actors structured within a network thus improves the design and implementation of actions that extend beyond a micro-scale of action, with significant benefits accruing to local communities. Social implications – Considering a larger scope of intervention, connecting different social actors (companies, civil society organisations and local authorities) and working for the construction of a development model based on the concept of sustainability constitute the relevance of clusters to CSR and the SR of territories. Originality/value – This article highlights the position that SR, to have any effective and widespread impact, has to extend beyond isolated actions uncoordinated with overall territorial development. The challenge involves establishing a connection between the business level and civil society organisations in which each acts within their own spheres and with their respective specific competences and skills whilst able to ensure cooperation and engagement in actions focussed upon improving the quality of life of the host community and bringing about cluster development in overall terms. This theoretical perspective is, in turn, based upon the assumption that only the consideration of a wider and more extensive conception of CSR, which aligns and guides various social actors (companies, civil society organisations and local authorities) and seeks to nurture integrated SR networks, will be able to drive development characterised by significantly higher levels of sustainability.


Author(s):  
Sune Lægaard

Toleration is a classic category of Western political theory. Liberalism can be said to have evolved as a generalization of debates on religious toleration from the 17th century onward. Many debates in political theory about matters of current concern, ranging from debates about free speech and hate-speech legislation, over attitudes to practices of minority groups, to the legitimate extent of state interference in particular areas of social life, are framed as debates on toleration. Finally, some of the most prominent theories within political philosophy view toleration as a central concept, for example, Rawls’s political liberalism. This continuous presence of the notion of toleration within political philosophy has resulted in a standard definition of toleration and a set of standard debates about toleration. Toleration is standardly understood as requiring disapproval or dislike, the power to interfere, and to consist in the abstention from this interference. This has given rise to debates about which kinds of disapproval or dislike are required, whether the condition of power is in itself problematic, and whether noninterference only counts as toleration if motivated by certain kinds of reasons. Nevertheless, this standard concept of toleration curiously fails to capture some of the prominent debates that are often framed in terms of toleration. It is for instance not at all clear whether and how the standard concept applies to states and to individuals regulated by state laws. It is also often unclear whether toleration as defined is a normative ideal or merely a descriptive concept and what the point of using the concept is in either case. Finally, there is surprising little reflection on what the significance is of the space of toleration between interference and lack of disapproval or dislike, and how changes in this space of toleration can be understood.


2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 342-358 ◽  
Author(s):  
Apostolos G. Papadopoulos ◽  
Christos Chalkias ◽  
Loukia-Maria Fratsea

The paper explores the challenges faced today, in a context of severe economic crisis, by immigrant associations (ΙΜΑs) and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in Greece. The data analysed here was collected between October 2009 and February 2010 and incorporates references to all recorded migration-related social actors operating in Greece. The paper takes into account such indicators as legal form, objectives, financial capacity and geographical range of activity, concluding with a typology of civil society actors dealing with migration issues. This study aims at informing the migration policymaking and migrant integration processes. By a spatial hot-spot clustering of IMAs and NGOs, we also illustrate the concentration patterns of civil society actors in Greece.


Author(s):  
Tikhon Sergeyevich Yarovoy

The article is devoted to the research of goals and functions of lobbying activity. The author has processed the ideas of domestic and foreign scientists, proposed his own approaches to the definition of goals and functions of lobbying activities through the prism of public administration. As a result, a generalized vision of the goals and functions of lobbying activities as interrelated elements of the lobbying system was proposed, and a forecast for further evolution of the goals and functions of domestic lobbying was provided. The analysis of lobbying functions allowed us to notice the tendencies in shifting the goals of this activity. If the objectives were fully covered by functions such as mediation between citizens and the state, the information function and the function of organizing plurality of public interests, then the role of strengthening the self-organization of civil society and the function of compromise become increasingly important in the process of formation in the developed countries of civil society and the development of telecommunication technologies. Ukrainian lobbyism will not be left to the side of this process. Already, politicians of the highest level, leaders of financial and industrial groups have to act, adjust their goals (even if they are — declared), taking into account the reaction of the public. In the future, this trend will only increase. The analysis of current research and political events provides all grounds for believing that, while proper regulatory legislation is being formed in Ukraine, the goals and functions of domestic lobbying will essentially shift towards a compromise with the public. It is noted that in spite of the existence of a basic direction of action, lobbying may have several ramified goals. Guided by the goals set, lobbyism can manifest itself in various spheres of the political system of society, combining the closely intertwined interests of various actors in the lobbying process, or even — contrasting them.


Author(s):  
Barbara Arneil

Colonization is generally defined as a process by which states settle and dominate foreign lands or peoples. Thus, modern colonies are assumed to be outside Europe and the colonized non-European. This volume contends such definitions of the colony, the colonized, and colonization need to be fundamentally rethought in light of hundreds of ‘domestic colonies’ proposed and/or created by governments and civil society organizations initially within Europe in the nineteenth and first half of the twentieth centuries and then beyond. The three categories of domestic colonies in this book are labour colonies for the idle poor, farm colonies for the mentally ill, and disabled and utopian colonies for racial, religious, and political minorities. All of these domestic colonies were justified by an ideology of domestic colonialism characterized by three principles: segregation, agrarian labour, improvement, through which, in the case of labour and farm colonies, the ‘idle’, ‘irrational’, and/or custom-bound would be transformed into ‘industrious and rational’ citizens while creating revenues for the state to maintain such populations. Utopian colonies needed segregation from society so their members could find freedom, work the land, and challenge the prevailing norms of the society around them. Defended by some of the leading progressive thinkers of the period, including Alexis de Tocqueville, Abraham Lincoln, Peter Kropotkin, Robert Owen, Tommy Douglas, and Booker T. Washington, the turn inward to colony not only provides a new lens with which to understand the scope of colonization and colonialism in modern history but a critically important way to distinguish ‘the colonial’ from ‘the imperial’ in Western political theory and practice.


Author(s):  
Asha Bajpai

The chapter commences with the change in the perspective and approach relating to children from welfare to rights approach. It then deals with the legal definition of child in India under various laws. It gives a brief overview of the present legal framework in India. It states briefly the various policies and plans, and programmes of the Government of India related to children. International law on the rights of the child is enumerated and a summary of the important judgments by Indian courts are also included. The chapter ends with pointing out the role of civil society organizations in dealing with the rights of the child and a mention of challenges ahead.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Flannigan

Abstract Parents who serve as trustees, and solicitors who draft trusts that involve family relations, may need to address whether parents are free to entertain conflicts and benefits that may be attributable to parent status. I discuss in broad terms the kinds of conflicts and benefits that normally should not be objectionable. The definitive consideration is the social definition of when parent access is a limited access.


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