scholarly journals IDEOLOGY AS A MYSTIFICATION OF REALITY

Ideology is a mystification, a mythologizing of reality. The purpose of ideology is to formulate a simple image of reality that will be clear to the average person; to develop an arsenal of techniques and methodologies for the mystification of the socio-political system. Ideology is related to the social structure, economic system of production and politics. Each ideology determines the forms of government, economic systems, social guarantees. The study of ideology is very important in political discourse, ideology influences the strategies of society. Ideology is always an escape from reality. Ideology as well as fiction is very attractive, the real world is imperfect, and ideology offers a perfect world. In favorable political conditions (authoritarianism, totalitarianism), ideology becomes a privileged and hidden form of government, a powerful way of manipulating consciousness in conditions of poverty, despair, social crisis. Ideology forms a vector on which the understanding of important political concepts is built at different ends: rights and freedoms, legality, economy, power, civic institutions, and so on. The action of ideology is determined, on the one hand, by irrational attitudes, on the other - by the context of communication and socio-cultural features of society. In contrast to highly specialized disciplines, philosophy is able to reach a universal level of generalization, which allows us to look at ideology as a systemic, holistic phenomenon. The study of ideology is not defined by political parties and ideals, it also covers the economy, education, health care, army, etc., but still, most ideology is manifested in the political space, where in addition to left-right ideology, in modern realities is gaining momentum populist ideology (populism). the problem of finding a new strategy for the development of the state. Democratic institutions, ways of overcoming corruption and raising the level of education of citizens, formation of critical thinking can overcome rigid ideology.

1994 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 659-694 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Crotty

The research on political parties in developing nations is difficult to aggregate and to place in a comparative context. The reasons are many. The body of work is at best modest in size as well as uneven in focus, theoretical conception and empirical execution. Often comparative or more generalizable indicators and conclusions must be extracted from studies intended to clarify social developments over broad periods of time or, alternatively, within carefully set historical boundaries (the colonial; the transition from the colonial period to independence; post-independence developments; political conditions under specific national leaders, as examples). The efforts are broad stroke, primarily descriptive and usually interwoven with historical accounts and explanations of the social, economic and cultural factors that condition the life of a country. The range appears to run from megatheories-or, more accurately, broadly generalized interpretative sets of categorizations and conclusions applied to a region or a collection of countries (the research itself is seldom theoretically focused), supported by interpretative essays and expert, professionalized observation and background knowledge-to case studies of differing degrees of elaborateness. There is little in between.


2011 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 264-276
Author(s):  
María Virginia Quiroga

The emergence of social movements in the public arena had to do with neoliberalism´s negative consequences. Different actors with different interests worked together against the system, which became their “common antagonist”.  On the one hand, after years of autonomous organization, these social movements won social recognition and increased their power. On the other, political parties and trade unions lost legitimacy.  In December 2005, a faction of the Bolivian social movements won the general elections, and Evo Morales (the cocalero movement´s leader) became the first Aymara president in Bolivian history. How to manage this government it is one of the majors challenges the social movements confront in today’s Bolivia. La emergencia de movimientos sociales en la esfera pública está ligada a las consecuencias negativas del neoliberalismo.  Actores sociales provenientes de distintos sectores y con intereses distintos unieron fuerzas contra un sistema que se convirtió en el “antagonista común”.  Después de años de organización autónoma, estos movimientos lograron reconocimiento político e incrementaron su poder de gestión, mientras los partidos políticos y los sindicatos perdían legitimidad.  En diciembre 2005 una facción de los movimientos sociales ganó las elecciones generales y Evo Morales (líder del movimiento cocalero) se convirtió en el primer Presidente aymara de la historia de Bolivia. Cómo gestionar este gobierno constituye hoy día uno de los mayores retos que enfrentan los movimientos sociales.


Author(s):  
Dr. S. Iruthaya Kalai Selvam ◽  
Asha Banu

Entrepreneurship is not an inborn skill; it is a product of environment. It involves a complex of economic and social behaviour. To be successful, an entrepreneur has to remain dynamic and responsible to the whole environment. Entrepreneurship can hardly survive under any given circumstances. It can flourish only under right environment. The social factors, culture, government policies, political system, technology, economic conditions, laws, etc influence the growth of entrepreneurship. In fact, the entrepreneurship cannot be kept aloof from the changing social values, ideologies, new emerging aspirations, environmental pressures, religious beliefs, consumer wants, and society needs. Business is a system made up of certain environmental factors which require the entrepreneurs to adopt a dynamic attitude and a new strategy of their own. The paper is tackling the issue of social factors such as Gender, age, caste, Location of the units, Income, educational level, influencing the development of entrepreneurship in Theni District.


1997 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 475-504
Author(s):  

AbstractThe article discusses the development of the Russian international law doctrine from the Soviet to the Russian era. The analysis is conducted by way of examining two Russian international law textbooks, the one being from the Soviet era and the other from the post-Soviet era. At first sight, one is inclined to expect that a deep-going social change, such as the one Russia has experienced, would indeed be reflected in doctrines about international law. The Soviet doctrine of international law claimed to provide a Marxist account of law. However, the base-superstructure analysis and historical materialism are premises that are not easily reconcilable with international law. Therefore, the Soviet writers were prone to much abstract theorizing about the “essence”and “nature” of international law. Furthermore, the revolutionary argument combined with extreme positivism led to a methodological schizophrenia in the Soviet international law doctrine. Now, the Marxism-Leninism is abandoned and the socialist dogmas of “peaceful coexistence of states belonging to different socio-economic systems” as well as “the principles of socialist internationalism” have accordingly become obsolete. The aim of this article is to establish to what extent the social change is reflected in the present Russian international legal thought.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-128
Author(s):  
Zhaoxi (Josie) Liu

This study explores how Chinese viewers articulate the meaning of the Netflix series “House of Cards” through analyzing viewer comments posted on Sohu Video, which streamed the show in China. A qualitative textual analysis of the comments reveals that the Sohu viewers turned the commenting of the show into articulations of democracy and China’s political conditions. In their articulation, some endorsed American democracy as a superb political system, while others resented it as being dark and corrupt, similar to the one in China. Still other viewers made a connection between “Cards” with China’s lack of freedom of speech. These connections were made under certain social conditions, including China’s internet providing a space for political discourse, tensions among different social forces and conflicting meaning systems existing in today’s China, and Chinese people’s increasing consumption of foreign media content and assumptions. Analyzing a particular case of transnational communication, this study demonstrates how the audience can make meaning of a foreign media product by connecting with their own social context, and how such articulations can be plural and multifaceted.


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-48
Author(s):  
José Ramón Vallejo ◽  
Marina Mesa

The correction of clubfoot as a subject of study is somewhat unusual, especially if one considers that up until the Renaissance only two authors dealt with the subject of this inherited disorder. On the one hand is Ambroise Pare, whose contributions to traumatology and orthopaedics are staggering, and on the other, Francisco Arceo de Fregenal, also known as the Ambroise Pare of Spain. Both men developed a method for treating this condition, and a special orthopaedic shoe. So, why is it that in the Spanish literature the French surgeon was considered the pioneer in the development of an orthopaedic boot from the start and not Arceo? Why was the work of the Spaniard not studied in depth, as it deserves to be? These questions troubled us and led us to write this paper, in which as the primary objective we decided to highlight Arceo’s contributions to the field of orthopaedics. Concrete arguments and works exist today that have led to common agreement among scholars of the subject that the Spanish surgeon was a Jewish convert. The social, economic and political conditions in Europe at that time may give us some idea of the difficulties for a Jewish convert in the sixteenth century, and clearly, it was difficult for a scientist to have followers who would defend his methods and technical ideas. Nevertheless, we believe that Francisco Arceo de Fregenal deserves more recognition and his work should continue to be studied in more depth.


2020 ◽  
pp. 103-124
Author(s):  
Peter Thonemann

The civic life of Greek poleis in the eastern Roman empire is very prominent in the Oneirocritica (particularly in Book 4). This chapter will discuss the absence of the Classical Greek polis from Artemidorus’ conception of the Greek city (an aspect in which he differs profoundly from other Greek authors of his day), and the rich and detailed picture that he gives us of Greek civic institutions and hierarchies in the Severan period. The role of civic elites and the social expectations placed upon them is a major theme of the chapter, as is the degree to which the Oneirocritica reflects the distinctive social and political conditions of his two native cities, Ephesus and Daldis.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 6-16
Author(s):  
Nataliia Semerhei

The article analyzes the state of the study in the contemporary historiographical discourse of the problem of self-organization of Ukrainian public life in the second half of the ХІХth – the beginning of the XXth century. It has been found that democratization of the political system and renewal of the methodological tools provided an opportunity for historians to view the social life of the given historical period on the basis of a synergistic methodology of self-organization of social systems. It has been discovered that the historiographical position on the dynamics of social self-organization of the Ukrainians ranging from cultural life to the institution of political parties is considered legitimate among scholars. It has been proved that in contemporary historiography the processes of the contemporary self-organization of the Ukrainian society are considered in three specific historical areas, namely socio-civic, national-political and spiritual-cultural, the relationship between which was sometimes both consistent and synchronous. The development of them demonstrated the emergence of new organizational forms of social self-organization and institutionalization of civil society and political system in Ukraine in the XIXth century. Studying both theoretical and methodological, as well as definite historical dimensions of the Ukrainian national movement, the researchers agree that the cultural and educational content of national revival under the influence of objective circumstances has evolved into political one. Much attention is given to the analysis of the historians’ vision of the content of socio-civic self-organization, which was represented by the development of public organizations and movements grounded on the ideas of civil society but lacked political requirements. Among them scientists single out such factors as hlopomanstvo, social movement, organization "Prosvita", the establishment of Shevchenko scientific society, the publication of socially significant newspapers and journals ("Gromada", "Kievskaia Starina", "Delo", "Zoria"), the establishment of a cooperative movement ("Dnister", "The farmer"). The dynamics of the social organization have determined the politicization of the national movement, which allows scientists to speak about national and political self-organization. Establishment of political parties, active participation of the Ukrainians in the activities of the imperial representative bodies of the government, the spread of social and democratic political ideology, the emergence of political leadership and others are considered its institutional representatives. Researchers emphasize that in the late ХІХth and early XXth centuries, national revival entered the political stage, which became a prerequisite for the beginning of the Ukrainian National Democratic Revolution of 1917–1921. It has been found out that the concept "self-organization" reveals the essence of the socio-political and socio-cultural processes of the time, since the Ukrainians established cultural and educational societies, public organizations and political parties contrary to the imperial and anti-Ukrainian policy of the Austro-Hungarian and Russian empires. It was outlined that the spiritual and cultural aspects of self-organization were illustrated by the activities of Ukrainian cultural and educational societies, the development of Ukrainian periodicals, the commemoration of the anniversaries of Ukrainian writers and artists, the activities of Ukrainian theater, etc.


2014 ◽  
Vol 108 (2) ◽  
pp. 371-382 ◽  
Author(s):  
RYAN PATRICK HANLEY

Adam Smith's engagement with China and Tartary is a central yet underappreciated element of his economic and political thought. This article reconstructs this engagement and demonstrates its broader significance, arguing that it focuses on three themes: the economic institutions that promote domestic growth in a manner that alleviates the material conditions of the poorest, the social and political conditions that minimize the dependence of the poor on the wealthy, and the ethical values and civic institutions that guarantee the existential survival of the state. This treatment is significant for three reasons: It offers useful insight into the contested issue of Smith's conception of legitimate state action; it clarifies Smith's vision of a commercial order that promotes human dignity; and it reveals the depth of his participation in a specific contextual debate.


10.12737/1934 ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 113-117
Author(s):  
Лариса Байбакова ◽  
Larisa Baybakova

Lately there has been a lot of talk in Russian political circles about the desirability of transition from a multiparty to twoparty system. It is believed that today its American model is one of the most effective mechanisms of representative form of government. Several attempts to create a two-party system have been undertaken in Russia for the last decade and a half, but it was not possible to implement this idea. After the elections in September 2013 a number of politicians have proposed to create a two-party system of government, considering that current ruling party «Yedinaya Rossiya (United Russia)» requires an adequate party rival. In prospects one cannot exclude the creation in Russia of a two-party system, but in present conditions it is difficult to assess the degree of its effectiveness. On the one hand, its functioning is conducive to a Federal form of government and majority system of election of senior officials, and on the other, there are centrifugal trends in the dynamics of political processes, strengthened after the laws adopted over the last decade on the liberalization of procedure of registration of political parties. In this regard a number of sociopolitical movements demand to make amendments in the electoral legislation, aimed at the consolidation of political forces or parties with similar policy.


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