The “Wisdom of the State”: Adam Smith on China and Tartary

2014 ◽  
Vol 108 (2) ◽  
pp. 371-382 ◽  
Author(s):  
RYAN PATRICK HANLEY

Adam Smith's engagement with China and Tartary is a central yet underappreciated element of his economic and political thought. This article reconstructs this engagement and demonstrates its broader significance, arguing that it focuses on three themes: the economic institutions that promote domestic growth in a manner that alleviates the material conditions of the poorest, the social and political conditions that minimize the dependence of the poor on the wealthy, and the ethical values and civic institutions that guarantee the existential survival of the state. This treatment is significant for three reasons: It offers useful insight into the contested issue of Smith's conception of legitimate state action; it clarifies Smith's vision of a commercial order that promotes human dignity; and it reveals the depth of his participation in a specific contextual debate.

2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (8) ◽  
pp. 26-36
Author(s):  
Vadym Nikolenko

The study focuses on individual episodes of the biography, the most notable ideas and main socio-political views of the outstanding English scientist, social philosopher, theorist of the origin of the state – T. Hobbes. On the basis of the classic work “Leviathan”, his backbone thoughts on the processes of state building, the development of a balanced normative and legislative system and specific motives for striving for power are highlighted. In particular, attention is focused on the search by the researcher of the optimal balance between freedom and the duties of a citizen. The aspiration of the classic to a comprehensive study of the most effective mechanism, optimal forms of public administration, primarily for the establishment of stable social order and safety, is noted. The scientist emphasized that an authoritative, sovereign, legitimate state is able to effective cope with the tasks set. In which those in power are obliged to be guided by norms of morality and law. Characterized, according to the researcher, the socio-psychological traits of both average citizens and sovereigns for the full life support of the country.Highlighted his heuristic principles of anthropomorphism, which more metaphorically, expressively detail the likely destructive diseases of the state, among which he considered the lack of frugality and the processes of oligarchization of the socio-political system to be especially unsafe. Scientists emphasized the absolute rejection of corruption, lack of social justice, abuse of power. Thus, the advantages and disadvantages of various forms of government were highlighted, in particular, monarchical, aristocratic, democratic. The scientists himself was an active supporter of absolute monarchy and the unshakable authority of the state. At the same time, he focused not so much on the duties of citizens to the state, as on the duties of state representatives to their citizens, the implementation of which can state structure effective, authoritative and legitimate. At the same time, the contribution of T. Hobbes to the development of the philosophy of law is highlighted. In general, it was emphasized that the English scientist comprehensively substantiated his own thought about the immutability of human nature in the form of manifestations of selfishness, individualism, insatiable appetites, unrestrained passions, and the desire for social change. According to the philosopher, only a just, sovereign, authoritative state is capable of curbing the negative manifestations of human nature. In addition, attention focused on the state-forming nature of his philosophy and the scientist’s significant contribution to the development of the theory of the social contract or the contractual origin of the state is highlighted.


2010 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 1005-1019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Corey Brettschneider

Hate groups are often thought to reveal a paradox in liberal thinking. On the one hand, such groups challenge the very foundations of liberal thought, including core values of equality and freedom. On the other hand, these same values underlie the rights such as freedom of expression and association that protect hate groups. Thus a liberal democratic state that extends those protections to such groups in the name of value neutrality and freedom of expression may be thought to be undermining the values on which its legitimacy rests. In this paper, I suggest how this apparent paradox might be resolved. I argue that the state should protect the expression of illiberal beliefs, but that the state (along with its citizens) is also obligated to criticize publicly those beliefs. Distinguishing between two kinds of state action—coercive and expressive—I contend that such criticism should be pursued through the state's expressive capacities in its roles as speaker, educator, and spender. Here I extend the familiar idea that law, to be legitimate, must be widely publicized; I contend that a proper theory of the freedom of expression obligates the legitimate state to publicize the reasons that underlie rights, in particular reasons that appeal to the entitlement of each citizen subject to coercion to be treated as free and equal. My theory of freedom of expression is thus “expressive” in two senses: it protects the entitlement of citizens to express any political viewpoint, and it emphasizes a role for the state in explaining these free-speech protections and persuading its citizens of the value of the entitlements that underlie them.


Revista LEVS ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (21) ◽  
Author(s):  
Weslei Trevizan AMÂNCIO

Resumo: Colocamos em discussão neste artigo o tema da violência, com destaque para a crescente onda de sentimento de medo e insegurança das últimas décadas que abarca grande contingente de pessoas. Para contribuir com o debate, problematizamos o modelo hegemônico de ações ao enfrentamento à violência despendida pelos agentes do Estado, apontando seus limites estruturais. Nesse processo, apresentamos as condições sociais, culturais, econômicas e políticas que historicamente estão envoltas à problemática da violência no Brasil. Por fim, lançamos considerações sobre a proposta de controle social democrático da violência como alternativa ao seu enfrentamento.Palavras-chave: violência, insegurança, controle social, democracia. Abstract: We discuss in this article the theme of violence,  with emphasis on the growing wave of fear and insecurity in the last decades that encompasses a large contingent of people. To contribute to the debate, we problematize the hegemonic modelo factions to face the violence expended by agents of the State, pointing out its structural limits. In this process, we present the social, cultural, economic and political conditions that are historically involved in the problem of violence in Brazil. Finally, we present considerations about the proposal of democratic social control of violence as na alternative to its confrontation.Key words: violence, insecurity, social control, democracy.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Αθανάσιος Μπαρλαγιάννης

This study is about the organization of public hygiene in the kingdom of Greece between 1833, when prince Otto of Bavaria ascends to the throne, and 1845, when the political and epidemiological frontiers of the kingdom are traced by a complete system of lazarettos and sanitary offices. We will firstly analyze the structures of sanitary prevention in the interior of the country (vaccinators, public health doctors, municipal doctors) as well as at its frontiers, and then we will focus on the measures against contagious diseases (such as the plague and smallpox) and against miasmas. We are also interested in examining the main diseases that determine the mortality of the period under scrutiny and the medical theories that explain the applicable sanitary measures. At the same time, we will review some of the aspects of the classical distinction of Erwin Ackerknecht between contagionism and miasmatic theory. Finally, we will study the difficult formation of an official group of medical professionals. The interest in public hygiene imposes the study of the biological construction of the state and, subsequently, of the state itself. Public hygiene defines the threats which it tries to prevent, and it creates and secures the collectivity. In the Police State of thecameralist king Otto, these developments are controlled by the bureaucracy, the administration, the public force and the science of medical police. Its purpose is to construct and order the public space, the space of state action, which is natural as well as social. This action of ordering imposes the centralization of health and at the same time it normalizes the natural elements and the social forces so that they can coordinate without resistance; in other words, the action of ordering pacifies. Medical police controls these processes by reconfiguring the ties that bind individuals with each other and with the geography, the nature and their diseases.


2020 ◽  
pp. 103-124
Author(s):  
Peter Thonemann

The civic life of Greek poleis in the eastern Roman empire is very prominent in the Oneirocritica (particularly in Book 4). This chapter will discuss the absence of the Classical Greek polis from Artemidorus’ conception of the Greek city (an aspect in which he differs profoundly from other Greek authors of his day), and the rich and detailed picture that he gives us of Greek civic institutions and hierarchies in the Severan period. The role of civic elites and the social expectations placed upon them is a major theme of the chapter, as is the degree to which the Oneirocritica reflects the distinctive social and political conditions of his two native cities, Ephesus and Daldis.


2004 ◽  
Vol 98 (4) ◽  
pp. 671-686 ◽  
Author(s):  
JAMES N. DRUCKMAN

One of the most contested questions in the social sciences is whether people behave rationally. A large body of work assumes that individuals do in fact make rational economic, political, and social decisions. Yet hundreds of experiments suggest that this is not the case. Framing effects constitute one of the most stunning and influential demonstrations of irrationality. The effects not only challenge the foundational assumptions of much of the social sciences (e.g., the existence of coherent preferences or stable attitudes), but also lead many scholars to adopt alternative approaches (e.g., prospect theory). Surprisingly, virtually no work has sought to specify the political conditions under which framing effects occur. I fill this gap by offering a theory and experimental test. I show how contextual forces (e.g., elite competition, deliberation) and individual attributes (e.g., expertise) affect the success of framing. The results provide insight into when rationality assumptions apply and, also, have broad implications for political psychology and experimental methods.


Author(s):  
David Robertson

This chapter explores the ways in which the social and political conditions prevailing in the two decades after Finland had gained independence from Russia in December 1917 can be traced in Jylhä’s translation of Paradise Lost, Kadotettu paratiisi (1933). Jylhä was too young to participate in the civil war of 1918, but he was caught up in some of the fiercest fighting of the brief conflict. In the 1920s and 1930s many young artists consciously worked to move Finnish culture and politics away from Russian influence, towards Western Europe. Jylhä, a rising poet, was one of the youngest writers of this group, and his translations of European poetry are part of this effort. This chapter traces how lexical choices in his monumental translation of Milton’s epic, especially the War in Heaven, reveal his experience of his social and political milieu.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-43
Author(s):  
Pradeep Chhibber ◽  
Susan L. Ostermann ◽  
Rahul Verma

Conservative Indian political thought, in addition to being alive and well in contemporary discourse, has a long lineage. We explore the intellectual roots of this tradition by examining older and more contemporary writings ranging from the Manusmriti and the Ramayana to those of Gandhi and Maududi and place them in contrast to those of more liberal thinkers like Ambedkar and Nehru. We find that, in particular, the conservative idea of the ‘limited state’ has an extensive history embedded in sub-continental religions, religious practices and social norms. Central to the concept of the limited state is the belief that the state is subservient to society, the belief that dharma is ontological prior to the state, the belief that the king or leader must preserve the social order and the belief that individual reform is the primary source of social change. An understanding of this set of beliefs, and the idea of the limited state more generally, is important not only for understanding India’s past, but also for insight into contemporary politics. We demonstrate the continued vitality of these concepts through an examination of recent National Election Studies (NES) and World Values Survey (WVS) data.


Ideology is a mystification, a mythologizing of reality. The purpose of ideology is to formulate a simple image of reality that will be clear to the average person; to develop an arsenal of techniques and methodologies for the mystification of the socio-political system. Ideology is related to the social structure, economic system of production and politics. Each ideology determines the forms of government, economic systems, social guarantees. The study of ideology is very important in political discourse, ideology influences the strategies of society. Ideology is always an escape from reality. Ideology as well as fiction is very attractive, the real world is imperfect, and ideology offers a perfect world. In favorable political conditions (authoritarianism, totalitarianism), ideology becomes a privileged and hidden form of government, a powerful way of manipulating consciousness in conditions of poverty, despair, social crisis. Ideology forms a vector on which the understanding of important political concepts is built at different ends: rights and freedoms, legality, economy, power, civic institutions, and so on. The action of ideology is determined, on the one hand, by irrational attitudes, on the other - by the context of communication and socio-cultural features of society. In contrast to highly specialized disciplines, philosophy is able to reach a universal level of generalization, which allows us to look at ideology as a systemic, holistic phenomenon. The study of ideology is not defined by political parties and ideals, it also covers the economy, education, health care, army, etc., but still, most ideology is manifested in the political space, where in addition to left-right ideology, in modern realities is gaining momentum populist ideology (populism). the problem of finding a new strategy for the development of the state. Democratic institutions, ways of overcoming corruption and raising the level of education of citizens, formation of critical thinking can overcome rigid ideology.


2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-99
Author(s):  
Olesia Rozovyk

This article, based on archival documents, reveals resettlement processes in the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic in 1932–34, which were conditioned by the repressive policy of the Soviet power. The process of resettlement into those regions of the Soviet Ukraine where the population died from hunger most, and which was approved by the authorities, is described in detail. It is noted that about 90,000 people moved from the northern oblasts of the Ukrainian SSR to the southern part of the republic. About 127,000 people arrived in Soviet Ukraine from the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic (BSSR) and the western oblasts of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR). The material conditions of their residence and the reasons for the return of settlers to their previous places of inhabitance are described. I conclude that the resettlement policy of the authorities during 1932–34 changed the social and national composition of the eastern and southern oblasts of Ukraine.


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