scholarly journals Identification of Nepal’s Soft Power

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 49-65
Author(s):  
Binod Khanda Timilsana

Soft power, according to Nye, is a particular power of attraction to a state based on the appeal of its culture, political values, and foreign policies (Nye Jr. 2004, p. 11, 2008, p. 96). In the changing paradigms of state powers from military strength, economic might, political power, technological competency to soft power endeavors, identification of own soft power is the process of measuring own strength. Hard power measures can be observed from out sides as well but soft power potentialities will not appear easily without systematic attempt to expose them in front of international actors. Hard power measurement is easy and more exact than soft power qualities. There are very limited academic attempts visible in identification of Nepal’s soft power. Great soft powers of the world are visible and measurable through soft power indices developed by different think tanks and research agencies. The soft power 30 and Global Soft Power Index are exemplary forums engaged in ranking states in terms of soft powers. Reputation, influence, political values, culture, foreign policies, enterprise, culture, digital, governance, engagements and education are the indicators of soft power. The newly explained taxonomy of soft power includes four subunits of soft power namely resources, instruments, receptions and outcomes. Buddhism is a powerful soft power resource of Nepal. Conflict resolution and peace process model of Nepal is another potential soft power. Culture, engagement in multilateral global and regional forum, natural beauty with the world is highest Mt. Everest, diasporic community of Nepal, social networks, public diplomacy and personal diplomacy are remarkable soft power properties of Nepal. Nonetheless, identification of Nepal’s soft power is in very preliminary phase.

Author(s):  
Ume Farwa ◽  
Ghazanfar Ali Garewal

The power of attraction and admiration is soft power. Generally, it is perceived that hard power cannot generate soft power, but the protective role of military in humanitarian crises and conflicts negates this prevailing misperception by specifying their contexts and effective utilizations; hard power assets can be transformed into soft power resources. This paper argues that the United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions are the source of soft power and Pakistan, being an active participant in this field, can utilize this asset for shaping the preferences of others. Overall, it did earn admiration from international community and managed to build its soft image abroad through peacekeeping missions. Pakistani blue helmets not only earned the admiration and appreciation of the people of the conflict-zones and earned praises, but from international community also. However, to what extent has the country utilized this asset of soft power to exercise its influence in the global arena remains debatable. Although Pakistan’s UN Peacekeeping missions have been an instrument of building the country’s soft image, it is publicized in a far less productive manner. Peacekeeping can be used as a means to enhance the country’s presence and the level of participation in both international and regional organizations. By effective application of soft power strategy in tandem with public diplomacy, Pakistan’s UN peacekeeping can provide the country with the platform where its narratives can be projected effectively and its influence can be exercised adroitly.


Author(s):  
Celso Amorim

In the last years of the twentieth century, after the end of the Cold War, the world has evolved into a mixed structure, which preserves the characteristics of unipolarity at the same time that approaches to a multipolar world in some ways. In an international reality marked by its fluid nature, the emergence of new actors and the so-called "asymmetric threats" has not eliminated the former agents in the world order. And the conflict between the States has not disappeared from the horizon. In this context, diplomacy must have the permanent support of defense policy. Therefore, in the Brazilian case, the paper presents that the country should adopt a grand strategy that combines foreign policy and defense policy, in which soft power will be enhanced by hard power.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chang Zhang ◽  
Ruiqin Wu

International competition over soft power has largely transformed from image promotion and cultural diplomacy to benchmark setting. Benchmarks breed discourses and discourses embody power. The article argues that the soft power index building has turned into a battlefield where different values, norms and development models struggle for legitimacy through quasi-scientific validations. By critically examining the methods employed by two soft power indexes, Portland Soft Power 30 Index and China National Image Global Survey, this article unpacks the mechanisms by which institutions from western and emerging (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS)) states embed political values, interests and agendas in the selection of data, indicators and treatments of data. The article finds that while the soft power indexes originating from Western organizations largely normalized liberal values and the current international hierarchy, the Chinese national image survey provides a more self-reflective approach to soft power measurement.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-130
Author(s):  
Jean S. Kang

China’s trajectory over recent years displays a shift in its public diplomacy from traditional coercive measures under hard power toward a combination of both hard and soft power. As soft power signifies the diplomatic ability of a nation to attract others by projecting its internal values and policies, China has taken significant steps within the course of its political history to transition from an isolated authoritarian regime into a more engaged global stakeholder. In addition to analyzing China’s soft power and obligations within a global context, an internal examination of China’s public diplomacy is also required as the nature of the regime often serves to limit its capabilities in further attracting global actors. As China remains an authoritarian regime, activities related to public diplomacy are largely reserved for the state actors, including officials and state-owned enterprises. Although China has successfully shifted more towards practicing soft power from traditional hard power, areas of concern remain regarding its development, including a lack of attractiveness towards developed nations and limited use of civil society. China’s diplomatic agenda includes identifying methods for extending its soft power towards developed and developing countries.


Author(s):  
O. B. Yanush ◽  

The article studies the Finno-Ugric "world", understood as a transfrontier language community and its actors. The author marks tendencies of unification in the Finno-Ugric community of the 1990s and a stage of «disin-tegration» in the 2000s. The study goal is to explain the ongoing processes in the context of the foreign poli-cy of several western countries engaged and ethnic fragmentation among the Russian Finno-Ugric peoples. For this purpose, the work describes the creation of the Finno-Ugric community, the institutional setting and the results of the World Congresses; the role of the Finno-Ugric “world” in the foreign policies of Western countries. Attention is paid to practices aimed at constructing a common Finno-Ugric identity, among which the initiative "Cultural Capitals of the Finno-Ugric World" is noted.The author concludes that the Finno-Ugric “world” is a symbolically constructed project that connects the divergent positions of a diverse circle of participants, typologically defined as “the glottogenesis communi-ty”, where symbolic and discursive principles prevail over material ones. Moreover, bilateral and multilateral interactions between “western” and “eastern” Finno-Ugric peoples in the culture, science and education are more likely projections of the “soft power” of Finland, Hungary and Estonia than aspirations to create a common Finno-Ugric space.


2020 ◽  
pp. 5-22
Author(s):  
Igor Dobaev

Russia is the largest country in the world, a civilization state, with its unique geopolitical code. To change this course, the identity of our country, to force it to wander in the wake of the geopolitical and foreign policy aspirations of other centers of power, a number of geopolitical projects based on “hard power”, “soft power” as well as “soft power” are being implemented in the Russian Federation and beyond its external borders. At the same time, due to the large-scale territory of Russia, the presence of its internal regions that are different in their characteristics, various projects are deployed by external forces in various directions. This article discusses the geopolitical projects of the main external forces projecting their influence on the South of Russia - the territories of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation that are part of the Southern and North Caucasian federal districts. There are eight republics there: Adygea, Daghestan, Ingushetia, Kabardino-Balkaria, Kalmykia, Karachay-Cherkessia, Crimea, North Ossetia-Alania and Chechnya, two territories - Krasnodar and Stavropol and three regions - Astrakhan, Volgograd and Rostov; in total 14 subjects of Russia.


2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 365-381 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kambiz Abdi ◽  
Mahdi Talebpour ◽  
Jami Fullerton ◽  
Mohammad Javad Ranjkesh ◽  
Hadi Jabbari Nooghabi

As sport has become an integral part of society, it has also become a tool for diplomacy around the world. The purpose of this study is to introduce a sports diplomacy model and identify “the critical abilities” for converting sport soft power tools into resources for diplomatic outcomes. The data for this research comprise 30 online surveys completed by international experts in the fields of sports and public diplomacy. The responses were qualitatively analyzed using the fuzzy Delphi method (FDM). After running two rounds of fuzzy Delphi, two main strategies for sports diplomacy emerged—maintaining “official and sports diplomacy solidarity” and using sport figures as “competent cultural ambassadors.” The proposed model includes the most applicable sports diplomacy resources, the most expected diplomatic outcomes, and the major conversion tools (skillful strategies) in the viewpoint of sports and public diplomacy experts. The application of the model finds that states can expect diplomatic outcomes if appropriate sports diplomacy resources and conversion strategies are implemented in an orderly, innovative and accurate manner.


2008 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 277-297 ◽  
Author(s):  
Evan Potter ◽  
Daryl Copeland

AbstractThe case made in this article is threefold: that the resolution of conflicts in the twenty-first century will depend much more on the judicious use of soft rather than hard power; that the type of soft power exercised through public diplomacy will move increasingly from monologue to dialogue and collaboration; and that there is an increasing convergence of thinking both in defence departments and foreign ministries on the role of public diplomacy in resolving conflict in asymmetrical warfare. That convergence is expressed in this article's characterization of the 'guerrilla diplomat'.


Author(s):  
Le Thi Hang Nga ◽  
Trieu Hong Quang

It is noticeable that India–Vietnam relations have remained stable and had signs of development despite the new challenges in the global and regional environment due to COVID-19 pandemic. The authors of this article are of the view that one of the factors that help maintain the stability and development of bilateral relations in the current context is public diplomacy. Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, India has invested a huge amount of resources in public diplomacy to leverage India’s soft power. A dedicated public diplomacy division within the Ministry of External Affairs was set up in May 2006, many new schemes were designed to engage domestic and foreign public opinion and a series of high-profile dialogues with foreign think tanks were organised. By utilising both traditional and new approaches of public diplomacy, India is actively seeking new audiences within and outside India. India’s foreign policy-making process has become more open and democratic with the contribution of communities outside New Delhi political and diplomatic elite. New media has also been utilised to reach its various target audiences. Vietnam considers public diplomacy an important pillar of the comprehensive diplomacy of the country. Public diplomacy helps Vietnam succeed in implementing comprehensive and effective foreign policies. It contributes important part in building cooperative, peaceful and friendly relations between Vietnam and international partners. The importance that both India and Vietnam attach to public diplomacy has many implications for strengthening Vietnam–India relations in the current context. This article focuses on India and Vietnam public diplomacy as an instrument of strengthening bilateral relations and thereby proposes suggestions for both sides to enhance cooperation in the future.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-19
Author(s):  
Callula Salsabillah

In today's world of international politics, the value for world countries in follow-up with other countries using a ceasefire or military use in a state of persistence has long been abandoned. A new approach in the form of Diplomacy that belongs to the concept of soft power is a more effective and efficient approach if used by various countries, especially to achieve national interests and foreign policy objectives. Various types of Diplomacy are often used but the approach of Public Diplomacy is the priority of various countries, especially in East Asia to exert influence globally and gain the interests of their countries. But in its application, especially in regions that use Public Diplomacy massively, this method can encounter failures or challenges in order to achieve its main objectives. Competition in the use of Public Diplomacy between countries in East Asia becomes an interesting discussion because in the 21st century, 3 pillar countries of East Asia are promoting diplomacy to the world.


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