scholarly journals Space of Green Politics in South Asia: Myth Or Reality?

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-260
Author(s):  
Altaf Majeed ◽  
Mussawar Hussain Bukhari ◽  
Ali Shan Shah ◽  
Mian Muhammad Azhar

Green politics is a political ideology comprises social progress through sustainable development, peace, social justice, and grass-root democracy. Green politics is an evolving trend in world politics emerged in 1970s and revolutionized the political scenarios after the mid-80s with the discovery of ‘Ozone Hole’ in 1984. Currently, green or eco political parties are popular in many advance countries such as Germany, France, UK, Netherland, and Spain etc. Regions which present a bleak picture on eco-politics are backward in environmental sustainability, and same is the case with South Asia. Environment is considered a secondary thing in South Asia; because region is already tackling the primary goals of life such as food, shelter, inflation, health, and education etc. Until achieving these goals; eco-politics will remain an illusion in South Asia despite facing many environmental related challenges. Hence, environmental slogans are not Asian political parties. Yet, there are some conservation and reforestation projects such as a billion-tree project in KPK of Pakistan or KFCC (Kerala forest conservation campaign) etc. South Asia is prone to climate change and global warming; Karachi, Mumbai, and Maldives are in the immediate threat to be drowned till 2050 if the sea level keeps rising due to the melting of glaciers. Hence, the need is to focus on more environmental oriented political programs before it is too latepopular in the region. There is a nominal finding about environment in the manifestoes of South. 

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-21
Author(s):  
Iswandi Iswadi

  The ideology contestation is basically a classic polemic, where after independence the ideology of Islam was confronted with nationalism and took root until now (reform). However, the momentum of the 2019 election political contestation was again marked by the struggle of ideology namely ideology of Islamism and nationalism. The polemic began with the emergence of religious issues that were raised on the surface of political actors as a hegemony in taking the sympathy of voters. The existence of religion as a central issue began in 2016-2017 related to the prosecution of Ahok who insulted religious values ​​(Islam), and among the political parties involved in the demonstrations namely PPP, PKS, PBB, and PKB. In that momentum the beginning of the revival of Islamic ideology as the power in defending Islamic sovereignty. Judging from the ideology of political parties in Indonesia in the 2019 election political contestation, the ideology of political parties based on the statutes and bylaws (AD / ART) that the ideology applied can be classified into three parts namely ideology Nationalism, Islamism, and Nationalist-Religious, and the three ideologies. This can be proven based on the results of a survey from Australia 2017-2018 based on the voters. However, political parties based on multiple ideologies, PAN, PKB and Democrats, each have priority orientation. PAN and PKB tend to polarize the values ​​of Islamism (religious), while Democrats are more dominated by nationalist issues. The concept of Islamic political ideology, in the context of political contestation in political party elections, is basically a necessity to implement the values ​​of ri'ayah, taqwin, irshad and ta'dib through political education, or campaign in elections to achieve mutual benefit, both parties whose ideology Islamism, nationalism and nationalist-religious, so as to build the moralistic side of society, and intelligence in responding to the issues that exist in the election apart from that, political parties in confronting political contestation the emphasis of the movement must reflect the value of poverty, the three ideologies have been packaged in the values ​​of Pancasila in the third principles of Indonesian unity.         Asbtak Kontestasi ideology pada dasarnya polemik klasik, dimana pasca kemerdekaan ideologi islam dihadapkan dengan nasionalisme dan mengakar sampai sampai saat ini (reformasi). Akan tetapi momentum pemilu 2019 kontestasi politik kembali diwarnai pergulatan ideology yakni ideology islamisme dan nasionalisme. Polemik tersebut berawal dengan mencuatnya isu keagamaan yang dimunculkan dipermukaan pelaku politik sebagai hegemoni dalam mengambil simpati  pemilih. Eksistensi agama sebagai sentral isu berawal tahun 2016-2017 terkait penuntutan terhadap ahok yang melecehkan nilai-nilai agama (islam), dan diantara partai politik yang terlibat dalam demonstrasi yakni PPP, PKS, PBB, dan PKB. Dalam momentum tersebut awal mencuatnya kembali ideologi islam sebagai of the power dalam mempertahan kedaulatan Islam. Menilik ideologis partai politik di Indonesia pada konstestasi politik pemilu 2019, ideology partai politik berdasarkan anggaran dasar dan anggaran rumah tangga (AD/ART) bahwa ideologi yang diterapkan dapat diklasifikasikan menjadi tiga bagian yakni ideology Nasionalisme, Islamisme, dan Nasionalis-Religius, dan ketiga ideology tersebut dapat dibuktikan dengan berdasarkan hasil survey dari asutralia 2017-2018 berdasarkan pemilih. Namun demikian partai poltik yang berasaskan ideologi ganda, PAN, PKB dan Demokrat, masing-masing memiliki kiblat prioritas. PAN dan PKB condong polarisasi nilai-nilai islamisme (religious), sedangkan Demokrat lebih didominasi oleh isu-isu nasionalis. Konsep ideology politik islam, dalam konsteks kontestasi politik dalam pemilu partai politik pada dasarnya sebuah keharusan mengimplementasikan nilai-nilai ri’ayah, taqwin, irsyad dan ta’dib melalui pendidikan politik, ataupun kampanye dalam pemilu guna mencapai kemaslahatan bersama, baik partai yang berideologi islamisme, nasionalisme dan nasionalis-religius, sehingga terbangun sisi moralistik masyarakat, dan kecerdasan dalam menanggapi isu-isu yang ada dalam pemilu. selain dari itu partai politik dalam menghadapi konstestasi politik penekanan gerakannya harus mencermikan nilai kemaslahan, ketiga ideology tersebut telah kemas dalam nilai-nilai pancasila pada sila ketiga persatuan Indonesia. 


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
pp. 234 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sunday Olayinka Alawode ◽  
Olufunke Oluseyi Adesanya

The Nigerian Press in its 156 years of existence from the Reverend Henry Townsend days has been enmeshed in politics and is in fact insoluble from it like Siamese twins. From its debut in November 23rd 1859 with “Iwe Iroyin fun Awon Ara Egba ati Yoruba” (Newspaper for the Egbas and Yorubas) the press has taken centre stage in matters affecting all spheres of individual life and collective existence including religion, education, economy and politics among others. Thenewspaper was actually noted to have educated the growing publics about history and politics of the time. The growth in media has given room for political parties to reach larger groups of constituents, and tailor their adverts to reach new demographics. Unlike the campaigns of the past, advances in media have streamlined the process, giving candidates more optionsto reach even larger group of constituents with very little physical efforts. Political advertising is a form of campaign used by political parties to reach and influence voters. It can include several different mediums and span several months over the course of a political campaign and the main aim is to sway the audience one way or the other. Political advertisements involve the use of advertising campaigns by politicians to bring their messages to the masses or the electorates in order to explain policy, inform citizens and connect people to their leaders. It is a form of campaigning by political candidates to reach and influence voters through diverse media (including web based media). Politics on the other hand has to do with activities involved in getting and using power in public life, and being able to influence decisions that affect a country or a society. Thus political advertisement in the context of this study are strategically placed information deliberately informing the populace or making public activities or personalities as well as political parties and ideologies in order to get and use power by placing such information in the newspapers. The Punch, The Guardian, Vanguard and Daily Trust were purposively selected for the study investigating prominence of political advertisements featured before, during and after the elections; contents as the pictures, logos, texts, and languages majorly used in the political advertisements; and adversarial or the slants/directions of the March 28th Presidential and April 11th 2015 Assemblies Elections.Content categories include language, logo/icon/symbols, issue/personality/event/activity, visuals/pix, size, colour, political ideology among others. The study reveals that political adverts were prominent in the newspapers during the six-month period with the dominance of full page adverts, mostly inside-page adverts, aspirant-filled pictures, PDP-dominated and coloured adverts, largely favourable and friendly adverts with rational appeal going before testimony appeals. It further shows that Punch closely followed by Guardian had the highest adverts, while PDP and APC dominated the political landscape with low presence of adversarial contents. The study recommends more ethical monitoring of political adverts as well as the de-commodification of newspaper contents.


2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 114-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
HIROFUMI MIWA

AbstractThe prevailing theory states that either Japanese voters have stopped ideologically distinguishing parties or that the main political parties in Japan have become more centrist in recent years. These arguments are based on survey questions asking citizens to locate parties on an ideological scale. However, these questions may suffer from noise caused by respondents who misinterpret the question wording or answer the questions inappropriately to mask their misunderstanding of the terms ‘left’ and ‘right’. To address this problem by extracting only the views of those who know the meaning of left–right terms, this article develops a mixture model. Applying the model to an opinion poll conducted after the 2012 Japanese general election, I confirm that those who comprehend the left–right terminology – slightly over half of all voters – largely perceived parties’ ideologies in the same way as experts. Additionally, I find that even these voters face difficulties in placing ambiguous or new parties on the political spectrum. This study has implications not only for understanding trends in Japanese political ideology, but also for survey design and analysis of heterogeneous survey responses.


1984 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 313-344 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. D. Ornstein ◽  
H. M. Stevenson

This article examines the political ideology of Canadian elites on the basis of a sample survey conducted in 1977. The six hundred respondents include business executives, politicians, government bureaucrats, labour leaders, lawyers, media executives, and academics. Our purposes are, first, to make comparisons among and examine variation within these sectoral groups; second, to relate ideological cleavages to differences in support for the federal political parties; and, third, to examine the correspondence between more general ideological principles and elite opinions on a variety of specific public policy issues.


Author(s):  
Mónica Arenas Ramiro

Los procesos electorales no escapan a la transformación digital que vive nuestra sociedad. La necesaria adecuación de la normativa electoral al uso de las tecnologías digitales implica el respeto a la normativa de protección de datos personales y la existencia de garantías adecuadas que eviten la manipulación del voto de los ciudadanos por lo que los partidos políticos conozcan o lleguen a conocer de ellos a través de Internet. La modificación del artículo 58.bis).1 de la Ley Orgánica 5/1985, del Régimen Electoral General (LOREG), permitiendo a los partidos políticos recoger datos personales relacionados con las opiniones políticas de los ciudadanos, provocó desde titulares de prensa, críticas ciudadanas e interesantes debates de expertos en la materia hasta el planteamiento por parte del Defensor del Pueblo de un recurso de inconstitucionalidad contra dicha posibilidad. El Tribunal Constitucional, en la Sentencia 76/2019, puso fin al debate manifestando no sólo la inconstitucionalidad del precepto impugnado, sino evidenciando la importancia de proteger con las debidas garantías los datos personales de los ciudadanos, máxime cuando estos datos son un reflejo de su ideología política y su tratamiento afecta al correcto funcionamiento democrático de nuestro Estado.Electoral processes do not escape the digital transformation that our society is undergoing. The necessary adaptation of electoral regulations to the use of digital technologies implies respect for personal data protection regulations and the existence of adequate guarantees that prevent political parties from manipulating citizens’ votes for the information they know or get to know about them through the Internet. The modification of article 58.bis).1 of Organic Law 5/1985, of the General Electoral System (LOREG), allowing political parties to collect personal data related to the political opinions of citizens, provoked from headlines, citizen criticism and interesting debates by experts in the field to the proposal by the Ombudsman of an appeal of unconstitutionality against said possibility. The Constitutional Court in the Jugdment 76/2019 ends the debate by manifesting not only the unconstitutionality of the contested precept, but also by demonstrating the importance of protecting citizens’ personal data with due guarantees, especially when these data are a reflection of their political ideology and their treatment affects the correct democratic functioning of our State. 


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-44
Author(s):  
Keshav Bashyal

Dominance of research on Nepalis migration to India is considers as ‘for livelihood’, ‘passage of rites’, ‘taken for granted’, more importantly ’tradition’ or ‘Kamaune’ for majority of Nepalis. Nepal is an oldest nation-state of South Asia and its democracy had been, for a number of times, suspended or dismissed which forced Nepali leaders to exile in India. It still continues in different ways. Nepal’s political development is directly or indirectly influenced by political activism in India. India has been important ‘space’ for Nepal’s political change and it also has been a place for migrant’s political activism since a long time. Out of several Nepali migrants’ organizations in India, some are active in transnational political mobilizations. This study will look into the concept, evolution and contemporary discourse of the political transnationalism. It examines in the framework of transnationalism; development process of major political parties in Nepal, and situation of Nepali migrant’s political activisms in India and their associations with homeland politics.


Author(s):  
Shibashis Chatterjee

The chapter accounts for the growth of territorial nationalism and realism undergirding India’s security thinking in South Asian. The author concentrates here on the political and security narratives of Indian elites and shows how they have thought about India’s security primarily in realist, geopolitical terms. He also shows that while the perspectives differ on certain issues across India’s major political parties, when entrusted with actual policymaking, these differences lessen quite remarkably. The chapter also discusses the perspectives of the strategic elites in India who legitimate the narrative of space as power. While these experts are not a part of the ‘ruling elite’, their role in package legitimation of a realist or power-centric reading of the neighbourhood influences the official narratives to a great extent. The accessibility and privileging of certain discourses over others is an excellent indicator of the spatial thinking of the state.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 91
Author(s):  
Akhmad Riduan ◽  
Budi Lesmana ◽  
Nasripani Nasripani ◽  
Reno Affrian

The general election is actually the entry point for the improvement of public welfare in various aspects, whether political, economic, social, cultural and so on. In order to make an impact elections positively correlated with the welfare of the public, in addition to the background of the prospective participants/contestants election also required the political understanding of the citizens as voters because of political literacy is one factor that plays a major role in the quality of elections in a country.In Amuntai City, Hulu Sungai Utara district, political knowledge citizens are generally relatively low where political terms not understood as it should be in addition to confusion relevance between elections and regional development. Political participation of citizens in general is still low, especially those who work in the informal sector and tend to avoid involvement in practical political activity. Although they participated in the elections, but they just do not care about the output of the election itself. Furthermore, the political interest of citizens were generally quite low because most of them assess prejudice against political activity although no doubt some of those who assess positively to the political world.To increase the political understanding of citizens in Amuntai City, suggested to the election organizers in Hulu Sungai Utara district, especially the Election Commission and the Election Supervisory Committee to conduct an intense political socialization to the community, especially in rural areas. Political socialization should be cooperating with the participation of local governments, organizations of society and universities in the area. Political parties in the region should also undertake political socialization as the embodiment of one of the functions of political parties, especially in the areas that became the basis of a mass political party concerned with promoting political ethics that typically become one of the political ideology of political parties.


Syntax Idea ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (7) ◽  
pp. 1620
Author(s):  
Hasnu Hasnu ◽  
Firdaus Syam

Ideology and Political Parties: Measuring the Political Ideology of Marhenism PDIP and Moderate Islam PKB. The purpose of this study is to know the political ideology and platform of PDIP with the ideology of Marhaenism and PKB with moderate Islamic ideology in every political and political policy that is good in the legislature and executive. The theory of which in this study is into the language that refers to Gabriel A. Almond on the Study of Political Systems, namely and function. The results obtained from this study are clearly a mismatch between the political ideology of Marhaenism in PDI Perjuangan and Moderate Islam in the PKB against political platforms and political ideologies in both the legislature and the executive. This is because of the lack of political parties in the function of politics against the cadres of his party so as to have an impact on the lack of public to and the absence of political parties. The passage of this research shows the hope and truth between political ideology and political means, for him the degree of political pragmatism and political politics that fileirar corruptive and arid kese Ke mana, political parties fail in conducting political ideological process against cadres of political parties.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document