scholarly journals 'Ambedkar's Constitution': A Radical Phenomenon in Anti-Caste Discourse?

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-131
Author(s):  
Anurag Bhaskar
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
The Other ◽  
Indian Constitution ◽  
Popular Discourse ◽  
Popular Appeal ◽  
Constitutional Culture

During the last few decades, India has witnessed two interesting phenomena. First, the Indian Constitution has started to be known as ‘Ambedkar’s Constitution’ in popular discourse. Second, the Dalits have been celebrating the Constitution. These two phenomena and the connection between them have been understudied in the anti-caste discourse. However, there are two generalised views on these aspects. One view is that Dalits practice a politics of restraint, and therefore show allegiance to the Constitution which was drafted by the Ambedkar-led Drafting Committee. The other view criticises the constitutional culture of Dalits and invokes Ambedkar’s rhetorical quote of burning the Constitution. This article critiques both these approaches and argues that none of these fully explores and reflects the phenomenon of constitutionalism by Dalits as an anti-caste social justice agenda. It studies the potential of the Indian Constitution and responds to the claim of Ambedkar burning the Constitution. I argue that Dalits showing ownership to the Constitution is directly linked to the anti-caste movement. I further argue that the popular appeal of the Constitution has been used by Dalits to revive Ambedkar’s legacy, reclaim their space and dignity in society, and mobilise radically against the backlash of the so-called upper castes.

Methods of Countering Cyber Recruitment (Iraq Model)

2019 ◽  
pp. 196
Author(s):  
Hind Mohammed Abdul Jabbar Ali
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Young People ◽  
Young Men ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Information Network ◽  
Political Repression ◽  
Electronic Information ◽  
Terrorist Organizations ◽  
Other Hand

Connecting to the  electronic information network (internet) became the most characteristic that distinguish this era However , the long hours which young men daily spend on the internet On the other hand ,there are many people who are waiting for the chance to talk and convince them with their views This will lead the young people to be part in the project of the “cyber armies “that involved with states and terrorist organizations  This project has been able  to recruitment hundreds of people every day to work in its rank . It is very difficult to control these websites because we can see the terrorist presence in all its forms in the internet   In addition there are many incubation environments that feed in particular the young people minds                                                                                         Because they are suffering from the lack of social justice Also the unemployment, deprivation , social and political repression So , that terrorist organizations can attract young people through the internet by convincing them to their views and ideas . So these organizations will enable to be more  stronger.

The Cinematic Chiasm

Janus Head ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 35-48
Author(s):  
Nisha Gupta ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Lived Experience ◽  
The Other ◽  
Audience Member ◽  
Self And Other

This paper is a recommendation for phenomenologists to use film as a perceptually-faithful language with which to disseminate research and in­sights about lived experience. I use Merleau-Ponty’s philosophy to illus­trate how film can evoke a state of profound, embodied empathy between self-and-other, which I refer to as “the cinematic chiasm”. I incorporate a case study of my experience as audience member becoming intertwined with the flesh of the film “The Diving Bell and the Butterfly.” I discuss four aesthetic techniques of this film through which I became enveloped in a state of visceral empathy towards the “other” on-screen. The cin­ematic chiasm offers exciting, creative possibilities for phenomenologists, particularly those who are interested in evoking widespread empathy for social justice purposes.

Early Christian English teachers in Korea: Imperialists or advocates? Exploring the lesser known other truth

2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 274-289
Author(s):  
Mary Shepard Wong ◽  
Seong-Yun Lee
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Positive Impact ◽  
English Teachers ◽  
Colonial Period ◽  
The Other ◽  
Historical Overview ◽  
Early Christian ◽  
Missionary Education ◽  
National Spirit ◽  
Japanese Colonial

Education has long been an interest of foreign missionaries. Many criticisms have been raised over the promotion of imperialism in foreign missionary education. However, what is often overlooked is the positive mutual impact foreign educators have had on both their host and home societies. This article explores the influence of early educational missionaries in Korea and considers the “other truth” of the positive impact they had as advocates for Koreans during the Japanese colonial period. After a historical overview, the authors highlight missionary contributions to social justice and the restoration of Korean national spirit. They conclude with implications for today.

scholarly journals KONSEP HAK MILIK DALAM EKONOMI ISLAM

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-207
Author(s):  
AN Ras Try Astuti ◽  
Andi Faisal
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Social Justice ◽  
Economic System ◽  
The Other ◽  
Private Ownership ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The World ◽  
Joint Ownership ◽  
The Rich ◽  
The Individual

Capitalism as an economic system that is implemented by most countries in the world today, in fact it gave birth to injustice and social inequalityare increasingly out of control. Social and economic inequalities are felt both between countries (developed and developing countries) as well as insociety itself (the rich minority and the poor majority). The condition is born from the practice of departing from faulty assumptions about the man. In capitalism the individual to own property released uncontrollably, causing a social imbalance. On the other hand, Islam never given a state model that guarantees fair distribution of ownership for all members of society, ie at the time of the Prophet Muhammad established the Islamic government in Medina. In Islam, the private ownership of property was also recognized but not absolute like capitalism. Islam also recognizes the forms of joint ownership for the benefit of society and acknowledges the ownership of the state that aims to create a balance and social justice.

scholarly journals M. Veller’s “The Great Last Chance”: Russian National Myths, Ideas, and Author’s View on the Problems

2015 ◽  
Vol 28 (33A) ◽  
pp. 4
Author(s):  
Oleg Perov
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Negative Information ◽  
The Other ◽  
National Myths ◽  
The Social ◽  
East And West ◽  
Main Basis ◽  
Other World ◽  
Main Ideas ◽  
Logical Result

This article presents the analysis of the main ideas which are reflected in M. Veller’s novel The Great Last Chance. This is not only a reception of a definite country, a version of her historical way, the demonstration of cultural peculiarities, the own code of civilization, people’s traditions and faith, but also an original author’s view on the process of self-identification and logical result, i.e., the national myths and ideas. The main intention is to negotiate, refute many national myths: about complicated and bloody history; about laziness and hard drinking; about the opposition of East and West; about the peace-loving nation; about the underestimation from the other world. The author asserts that the Russian national idea is not liberal: the main basis is a national self-identification, the main traits are social justice and retribution for guilty. The main problems of the country are located in a definite range: from the global to the local (stealing, corruption, negative information field). The principal way to solve these problems is to aspirate to the social justice, labour, and creative works.

scholarly journals Liturgy and non-colonial thinking: Speaking to and about God beyond ideology, religion and identity politics – Towards non-religion and a unbearable freedom in Christ

2021 ◽  
Vol 77 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Johann-Albrecht Meylahn
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
The Other ◽  
Specific Group ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Face ◽  
European Colonialism ◽  
Good And Evil ◽  
The Voice

It has been argued that most countries that had been exposed to European colonialism have inherited a Western Christianity thanks to the mission societies from Europe and North America. In such colonial and post-colonial (countries where the political administration is no longer in European hands, but the effects of colonialism are still in place) contexts, together with Western contexts facing the ever-growing impact of migrants coming from the previous colonies, there is a need to reflect on the possibility of what a non-colonial liturgy, rather than a decolonial or postcolonial liturgy, would look like. For many, postcolonial or decolonial liturgies are those that specifically create spaces for the voice of a particular identified other. The other is identified and categorised as a particular voice from the margins, or a specific voice from the borders, or the voices of particular identified previously silenced voices from, for example, the indigenous backyards. A question that this context raises is as follows: Is consciously creating such social justice spaces – that is determined spaces by identifying particular voices that someone or a specific group decides to need to be heard and even making these particular voiceless (previously voiceless) voices central to any worship experience – really that different to the colonial liturgies of the past? To give voice to another voice, is maybe only a change of voice, which certainly has tremendous historical value, but is it truly a transformation? Such a determined ethical space is certainly a step towards greater multiculturalism and can therefore be interpreted as a celebration of greater diversity and inclusivity in the dominant ontology. Yet, this ontology remains policed, either by the state-maintaining police or by the moral (social justice) police.Contribution: In this article, a non-colonial liturgy will be sought that goes beyond the binary of the dominant voice and the voice of the other, as the voice of the other too often becomes the voice of a particular identified and thus determined victim – in other words, beyond the binary of master and slave, perpetrator and victim, good and evil, and justice and injustice, as these binaries hardly ever bring about transformation, but only a change in the face of master and the face of the slave, yet remaining in the same policed ontology.

scholarly journals Social Justice and Indian Constitution

2011 ◽  
Vol 3 (7) ◽  
pp. 578-579
Author(s):  
Dr-Surya Bhan Singh ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Indian Constitution

Facilitating CSWE's Social Justice Competency in Baccalaureate Social Work Courses

2011 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 55-73
Author(s):  
Simon Funge ◽  
Nancy Meyer-Adams ◽  
Chris Flaherty ◽  
Gretchen Ely ◽  
Jeffrey Baer
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Social Work ◽  
Educational Policy ◽  
Social Workers ◽  
Core Competencies ◽  
The Other ◽  
Policy Positions ◽  
Practice Behaviors ◽  
The Social ◽  
Work Education

The Council on Social Work Education identifies social justice as one of 10 core competencies in its 2008 Educational Policy and Accreditation Standards. Educators can find it daunting to address this particular competency. The National Association of Social Workers' Social Work Speaks can provide a practical guide for educating students in the policy positions of social work's primary professional association. This article offers uses of these materials that can infuse social justice concepts into foundation coursework, mitigating not only some of the challenges associated with teaching this content but also fostering the expected practice behaviors associated with the social justice competency. This model can apply to teaching strategies pertaining to the other nine competencies. Examples of assignments and methods for assessment are provided.

The Citizenship Amendment Act 2019: An Insight through Constitutional and Secularism Perspective

2021 ◽  
pp. 002190962110588
Author(s):  
Narender Nagarwal
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Social Justice ◽  
Constitutional Law ◽  
Basic Structure ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Democratic Values ◽  
Recent Past ◽  
Indian Constitution ◽  
Socialist State ◽  
Democratic Character

The primary endeavor of this paper is to illuminate the contentious Citizenship Amendment Act 2019 through the constitution and human rights jurisprudence perspective. In this paper, an attempt has been made to propose a different interpretation of the Citizenship Amendment Act 2019 which not only infracts constitutional values but also legalized the hate against minorities, especially Muslims. India—as a nation state—has always cherished and remained concerned about its secular and democratic character. Since independence, India has maintained its global position as a responsible and humane society to protect minorities’ rights and social justice. Shockingly, the legislative development that had taken place in the recent past has questioned India’s commitment toward the certain principle of human rights, democratic values, and secularism which are the hallmark of the Constitution of India. The Citizenship Amendment Act 2019 has put religion as a pre-requisite qualification if someone is desirous to apply for Indian citizenship which is purely a violation of the basic ethos of the constitution. The idea of India as envisioned by the framers of the Indian constitution as a democratic, secular, and socialist state and anything that contrary to its basic structure is unconstitutional. The contentious legislation whether unconstitutional or not needs to be examined through the prism of constitutional law and fundamental norms of human rights. In this research exercise, a modest attempt is made to examine all merits and demerits of this antagonistic citizenship legislation. Throughout the paper, the effort has been given to sustain the notion that India cannot be a republic founded on discrimination, hate, and a pervasive sense of fear.

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