scholarly journals N. I. Levitsky’s Letter to A. I. Lysakovsky about the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Representatives in the Petrograd Military Censorship Commission (1916)

2021 ◽  
pp. 581-592
Author(s):  
Igor K. Bogomolov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
World Order ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Russian State ◽  
The Press ◽  
Post War ◽  
Foreign Ministry ◽  
The Military ◽  
Magazine Articles

The article publishes a letter from the chairman of the Petrograd Military Censorship Commission, Nikolai Ivanovich Levitsky, to the manager of the Press and Information Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Alexander Iosifovich Lysakovsky (dated December 22, 1916). In the letter, Levitsky insists on the need to include representatives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the military censorship commission on a permanent basis. At the time, a different scheme was in effect: Levitsky sent diplomatic materials (newspaper and magazine articles, books, pamphlets, and cartoons) for verification to the Press and Information Department, which made its decision on their further fate. Levitsky pointed out the complexity and slowness of this scheme, which led to delays in printing, dissatisfaction of authors and editors. The main problem, Levitsky acknowledged, was insufficient competence of censors in foreign policy matters. Meanwhile, by the end of 1916, the topic of diplomatic censorship had become quite relevant. As the war drew to a close, more and more material appeared in press about the post-war world order and Russia's future relations with its allies and adversaries. Against this background, Levitsky advocated the inclusion of representatives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as censors. The idea itself was not new: in the autumn of 1916, the headquarters of the Northern Front had submitted a project to reform the Petrograd military censorship in order to improve its efficiency. The main focus of the project was on expanding its staff and creating new departments in the Petrograd Military Censorship Commission. The representative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was also to be included in the commission. Levitsky’s proposals followed the emerging trend: enhanced staffing and centralization of the military censorship, closer interaction of departments in order to increase its effectiveness. Lysakovsky approved the suggestion. Since January 1917, five officials of the ministry had been sent to the Petrograd Military Censorship Commission for daily and round-the-clock viewing of the press. However, this cooperation did not last: after the February Revolution, Foreign Ministry officials were released from the censorship work following the actual cessation of the preliminary censorship of press in Petrograd. Nevertheless, the unrealized project became a harbinger of future organization of press censorship after the Bolshevik’s assumption of power. The published document shows that the February Revolution was only a break in the process of censorship centralization and strengthening control over the press by the Russian state.

Российская военная разведка в Азиатской Турции и Сирии во второй половине XIX в.

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
E.M. Kopot
Keyword(s):  
Data Gathering ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
War And Peace ◽  
Greek Orthodox ◽  
Russian State ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Foreign Ministry ◽  
The Military ◽  
Political Decisions

Abstract Analyses of the materials of the Foreign Policy Archives of the Russian Empire and the Russian State Military-Historical Archive allows a reconstruction of the formation of the Russian Intelligence methodology of data gathering in Syria, as a possible battleground in 18701890. The Russian Caucasus Army Intelligence officers acted under cover of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire. Despite the bureaucratic infighting between the War Ministry and the Foreign Ministry which often emerged into an open confrontation, the new philosophy of Scientism, rapidly spreading across the establishment, have helped to drive more rational political decisions both during war and peace times. The article highlights the switch of the Military Intelligence focus. The accent shifted from exclusively military issues, to the issues of social ethnology and the search for Russias potential allies in the region. In Syria, the adherents of the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Antioch were seen as such.Аннотация Анализ материалов Архива внешней политики Российской империи и Российского государственного военно-исторического архива позволяет реконструировать становление российской военной разведки на курдо-сирийском театре военных действий в 1870-1890-х гг. Деятельность разведчиков Кавказского военного округа осуществлялась под прикрытием МИД российской империи. Невидимая аппаратная борьба военного министерства и внешнедипломатического ведомства нередко переходила в открытое противостояние, однако она не могла помешать распространению среди военно-дипломатического истеблишмента новой культуры сайентизма, которая должна была способствовать выработке рациональной политики населения как в военное, так и в мирное время. Статья посвящена малоизвестному сюжету трансформации внимания военной разведки от топографических исследований, наблюдению за комплектованием вооруженных сил Османской империи к изучению населения вероятного театра военных действий и поиску социальной опоры России в регионе в лице православных арабов антиохийского патриархата.Аннотация Анализ материалов Архива внешней политики Российской империи и Российского государственного военно-исторического архива позволяет реконструировать становление российской военной разведки на курдо-сирийском театре военных действий в 1870-1890-х гг. Деятельность разведчиков Кавказского военного округа осуществлялась под прикрытием МИД российской империи. Невидимая аппаратная борьба военного министерства и внешнедипломатического ведомства нередко переходила в открытое противостояние, однако она не могла помешать распространению среди военно-дипломатического истеблишмента новой культуры сайентизма, которая должна была способствовать выработке рациональной политики населения как в военное, так и в мирное время. Статья посвящена малоизвестному сюжету трансформации внимания военной разведки от топографических исследований, наблюдению за комплектованием вооруженных сил Османской империи к изучению населения вероятного театра военных действий и поиску социальной опоры России в регионе в лице православных арабов антиохийского патриархата.

China's New Foreign Policy Team

2013 ◽  
Vol 05 (03) ◽  
pp. 5-16
Author(s):  
Lance L P GORE
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Defining Moment ◽  
Hands On ◽  
International Role ◽  
The Military

The new foreign policy team is more professional and with an Asian focus than its older counterpart. Although still fragmented, it may have stronger leadership and better coordination. This is critically important because China is at a defining moment as to its international role. Xi Jinping's closer ties with the military and his hands-on style may encourage assertive nationalism and more active role of the military in foreign affairs.

scholarly journals “The British Soldier is no Bolshevik”: The British Army, Discipline, and the Demobilization Strikes of 1919

2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Butler
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
British Army ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
Civilian Life ◽  
Daily Mail ◽  
Winston Churchill ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Military

Abstract This article considers the breakdown in discipline in the British Army which occurred in Britain and on the Western Front during the process of demobilization at the end of the First World War. Many soldiers, retained in the army immediately after the Armistice, went on strike, and some formed elected committees, demanding their swifter return to civilian life. Their perception was that the existing demobilization system was unjust, and men were soon organized by those more politically conscious members of the armed forces who had enlisted for the duration of the war. At one stage in January 1919, over 50,000 soldiers were out on strike, a fact that was of great concern to the British civilian and military authorities who miscalculated the risk posed by soldiers. Spurred on by many elements of the press, especially the Daily Mail and Daily Herald, who both fanned and dampened the flames of discontent, soldiers’ discipline broke down, demonstrating that the patriotism which had for so long kept them in line could only extend so far. Though senior members of the government, principally Winston Churchill, and the military, especially Douglas Haig and Henry Wilson, were genuinely concerned that Bolshevism had ‘infected’ the army, or, at the very least, the army had been unionized, their fears were not realized. The article examines the government’s strategy regarding demobilization, its efforts to assess the risk of politicization and manage the press, and its responses to these waves of strikes, arguing that, essentially, these soldiers were civilians first and simply wanted to return home, though, in the post-war political climate, government fears were very real.

Enkele bedenkingen over de voorgeschiedenis van de Koningskwestie

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-20
Author(s):  
Guido Provoost
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Acute Phase ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Military Policy ◽  
Large Influence ◽  
Military Command ◽  
The Military ◽  
Working Hypotheses

Studying the Belgian military and foreign policy from 1934 till 1937, one can conclude to the following working hypotheses. The conflict between the King (and His entourage) and the Cabinet about the competency over military policy and military command has had a large influence on the acute phase of the Question Royale 1940-1950.The policy of independence of 1936 which has been imputed later on to the King and for which He has been blamed, is rather contained in the military and foreign policy of the successive Belgian governments from 1930 on, inspired by Paul Hymans, minister of foreign affairs at that time.

The Anglo-American Worldview and the Question of World Order

2019 ◽  
pp. 175-190
Author(s):  
Andrew Gamble
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Distinctive Features ◽  
Anglo American ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Military

One of the distinctive features of the idea of an Anglosphere has been a particular view of world order, based on liberal principles of free movement of goods, capital and people, representative government, and the rule of law, which requires a powerful state or coalition of states to uphold and enforce them. This chapter charts the roots as well as the limits of this conception in the period of British ascendancy in the nineteenth century, and how significant elements of the political class in both Britain and the United States in the twentieth century came to see the desirability of cooperation between the English-speaking nations to preserve that order against challengers. This cooperation was most clearly realised in the Second World War. The post-war construction of a new liberal world order was achieved under the leadership of the United States, with Britain playing a largely supportive but secondary role. Cooperation between Britain and the US flourished during the Cold War, particularly in the military and intelligence fields, and this became the institutional core of the ‘special relationship’. The period since the end of the Cold War has seen new challenges emerge both externally and internally to the Anglo-American worldview.

A Radical Transformation?

2021 ◽  
pp. 13-30
Author(s):  
Rotem Giladi
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
United Nations ◽  
International Law ◽  
Jewish History ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Law Reform ◽  
Political Experience ◽  
Modern Jewish History ◽  
Post War ◽  
Radical Transformation

The Introduction notes the tendency of international law and Jewish history scholars to read the international law engagement of Jewish scholars as a cosmopolitan project yet limit inquiry to the period preceding Israel’s establishment and the ‘sovereign turn’ in modern Jewish history; as well as the emphasis, in scholarship on Israel’s foreign policy, on the ‘Jewish aspect’ of the Jewish state’s international outlook. Against this backdrop, the Introduction presents the object, scope, and underlying argument of the book: a study of Israel’s early ambivalence towards three post-war international law reform projects, at the United Nations arena, given voice by two Ministry of Foreign Affairs legal advisers. The Introduction points to ideology as the force driving the protagonists’ ambivalence towards international law. It argues that how Jacob Robinson and Shabtai Rosenne approached international law was determined by pre-sovereign sensibilities expressing the creed of the Jewish national movement and its political experience.

Brazilian foreign policy faces new challenges

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
Border Security ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Trade Opening ◽  
The Government ◽  
Foreign Ministry

Subject Brazilian foreign policy under Aloysio Nunes. Significance Senator Aloysio Nunes, who took office as foreign minister on March 7, is an experienced politician from the centre-right Social Democrats (PSDB). He led the bloc supporting the government of President Michel Temer in the Senate, where he was also since 2015 head of the Commission of Foreign Affairs and National Defence. Nunes replaces Jose Serra at the foreign ministry and will seek overall continuity of Serra's agenda focused on the pursuit of trade opening and border security. Impacts Brazil lacks a clear strategy for its crucial relationship with China. Border security, a key issue for Serra, will remain important for Nunes. Domestic politics may divert Nunes’s attention as the 2018 elections approach.

scholarly journals International Scientific Conference VII Camões Readings

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 174-177
Author(s):  
M. S. Khvan
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
World Literature ◽  
Scientific Conference ◽  
State University ◽  
Latin American Studies ◽  
Sao Tome And Principe ◽  
Russian State ◽  
Foreign Speakers ◽  
Foreign Ministry ◽  
The Military

On November 1, 2020 Lomonosov Moscow State University welcomed the participants of Camões Readings for the seventh time – now via video conference. The biennial event was devoted to the history of Portugal, Brazil and the countries of the Portuguese-speaking Africa, political, cultural and social processes taking place in these regions, literature heritage of the authors who wrote in Portuguese and the aspects of the Portuguese linguistics. The event, organized by the MSU Faculty of Philology, saw participants, scholars and researches from such institutions as the Russian Foreign Ministry, the Embassy of Brazil in Moscow, five institutes of the Russian Academy of Sciences (Institute of Latin American Studies, Institute of World History, Institute of Linguistics, Gorki Institute of World Literature and Institute for African Studies), MGIMO University, Moscow State Linguistic University, Russian State University for the Humanities, Saint Petersburg State University and the Military University of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation. Foreign speakers from Instituto Camões, Portugal, Université de Provence Aix-Marseille I, France, and other organisations also took part. The contemporary situation in the bilateral Russia‒Brazil dialogue, national and linguistic identity of the Portuguese-speaking regions, linguistic usages, the polyglottism‒ multilinguism dynamics and other topics of high interest were discussed. Among the thirty presentations several were dedicated to the historic landmark of the 45th anniversary of the independence of Angola, Mozambique, Cabo Verde and São Tomé and Príncipe. The conference concluded with common decision to hold such meetings once a year.

scholarly journals Brazil and Turkey in the 21st century: strategic interests in comparative perspective1

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 132-150
Author(s):  
André Luiz Reis da Silva ◽  
Gabriela Dorneles Ferreira da Costa
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
United Nations ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Regional Integration ◽  
World Order ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
Divergence Point ◽  
United Nations General ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The Military

This research aims to compare the strategic interests and the positioning at the foreign policy level of Brazil and Turkey in the 21st century, considering the rise to power of, respectively, Workers’ Party (PT, in Portuguese) and Justice and Development’s Party (AKP, in Turkish). Methodologically, it was used bibliographical research and analysis of speeches in the General Debate of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) between 2010 and 2015. It was verified convergence between Brazil and Turkey in themes as the acknowledgment of the multipolarity of the World Order, the necessity of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) reform, the importance of the fortification of the global economic governance by G-20 and the compromise with the International Law, with the terrorism combat and with the Humans Right protections. As divergence point, it was verified the debates about the sort of reform to be implemented at the UNSC and some questions involving the Arab Spring, such as the military intervention at Libya in 2011. At last, some themes are more recurrent at one country’s foreign policy than another’s; as topics regarding Central Asia and Middle East, at Turkey’s case, and subjects regarding BRICS and south-american regional integration, at Brazil’s case.

scholarly journals On the Reflexive Formation of the “Human Capital” of the International Department of the CPC Central Committee

2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (6) ◽  
pp. 51-58
Author(s):  
N. Litvak ◽  
N. Pomozova
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Human Resources ◽  
Central Committee ◽  
The United States ◽  
Cultural Development ◽  
Long Term Effects ◽  
Current Task ◽  
Foreign Ministry ◽  
The Military

Received 03.07.2020. This article represents a stage in a comprehensive interdisciplinary study of foreign policy institutions and personalities of the People’s Republic of China since the late 1990s. to November 2019. During this period there was a rapid growth in the economic, technological and cultural development of the country, which both allowed and demanded a greater foreign policy activity of China, which until then was focused on internal, maximum, regional problems. At the same time, people and institutions, that shaped and implemented this new foreign policy also developed and changed. The periods between the congresses of the Chinese Communist Party with the corresponding renewal of political leadership and foreign policy priorities correlate with the prevalence of human resources with certain biographical criteria (place of birth, higher education and practical work) in the Foreign Ministry and the International Department of the CPC Central Committee, those who were born in the East of the country, studied and worked in Europe, and not in the United States and Russia, as one might suppose on the basis of the discourse, for many decades concentrated on the military confrontation between the main nuclear powers. This article examines the biographies of key employees of the CPC International department in connection with the formation of foreign policy in the context of the overall development of China. Based on the results of the study, it can be concluded, firstly, about the strengthening of the technocratic approach to foreign policy specialists, which takes into account, first of all, their expert qualities, even in such a party structure as the CPC Central Committee International department, instead of the ideological approach that dominated in the past. Secondly, personnel dynamics are influenced by the specifics of the work of the International Department, which is currently aimed at maximizing the implementation of opportunities for cooperation, primarily of an economic nature, in the Eurasian direction, while the Foreign Ministry has the main current task of confronting the United States and regional rivals. Third, the revealed correlation and long-term effects of such a personnel policy can also stimulate Russian activity in terms of training the next generations of foreign policy human resources on the Chinese direction.

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