POLITICAL YEAR OF "SERVANTS OF THE PEOPLE". MAIN TRENDS OF DOMESTIC POLITICAL LIFE IN UKRAINE

Author(s):  
Alexandr V. Guschin ◽  

The article is devoted to the analysis of the main trends in the internal political development of Ukraine within the year since coming to power of President Vladimir Zelensky and the “Servant of the People” party. The author identifies key factors contributing to the recessionary trends in the work of the Executive and Legislative branches of government, examines the main shortcomings of the personnel policy of the new authorities, analyzes the possibility of the collapse of the parliamentary majority, characterizes the problem of a drop in the ratings of the current government and the growth of sympathy for the opposition parties among voters of the party “Servant of the People”, provides a forecast of a possible electoral scenario in the local elections in the autumn of 2020, considering the impact of the coronavirus epidemic in the political life of the country. Special attention is paid to the confrontation between local and central authorities, as well as to the problem of regionalization of Ukraine, taking into account the risk of its transition to an uncontrolled state. The author concludes that, although the Ukrainian authorities have managed to achieve certain tactical successes, they have not yet managed to systematically strengthen their position in the eyes of the society, or start reformatting the country. Many election promises have not been fulfilled; the government’s initiatives are declarative and do not affect the foundations of the Ukrainian political system, which needs radical reform.

Author(s):  
Joanna Innes

Although British institutions underwent less formal restructuring during this period than those of the United States and France (bar the limited ones instituted by the Reform Acts of 1832) yet there were changes in the way the political system functioned, and significant developments in popular interaction with politics. The people were increasingly perceived as independent actors, throwing up their own leaders, pressing upon governmental institutions from without, and trying to impose their own agendas upon the political classes. This chapter surveys these developments under three heads: voting (encompassing both changes in the impact of voting and demands for extensions to the franchise); petitioning and association. To complicate any simple notion of trends, it also sketches the character of popular political culture at two specific conjunctures, the 1790s and 1840s.


Author(s):  
V. V. Evseev

In the article the problem of formation and transformation of an authoritarian style of governance in Central Asia has been considered. Its author claims that the executive, the legislative and the judicial branches of government are not really divided. The executive branch remains the force which determines the main development trends in society. Consequently, reforms in region have superficial nature. Among the main reasons of authoritarianism, established in Central Asia, the author emphasizes on the maintenance of tribal (clan) society structure, strengthening of conservatism and influence on the part of Islam, weak civil society institutions and the formation of local elite based on old party nomenclature. As it was established in the article, the political parties in Central Asia, as a rule, don`t have an ideological platform, and their formation is dominated by regional, clan and tribal interests. Their support from voters is determined by the attitude towards the party leader. As an example of Kazakhstan the author examines the major stages of its political system development for the last twenty years. It was suggested that an authoritarian setback took place amid the high politico-social tensions in 1993-1995. After, the process of authoritarian modernization began in the context of “large privatization”. As a result, polycentrism, when a clan became a prevailing form of elite grouping, was formed. In 1998-2004, the political system of Kazakhstan was built on basis of “managed democracy” model. An idea of improving system`s stability through strengthening of presidential power with simultaneous development of institutional elements of democracy forms its basis. A present stage of Kazakhstan’s political development is marked by that the authoritarian style of government amid the substantial economic progress and social stabilization has become to discourage the business and civic engagement activities. The situation demanded the liberalization of political life and the ruling elite had to make concessions.


Sociologija ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 400-418
Author(s):  
Irena Fiket ◽  
Gazela Pudar-Drasko

Starting from the findings of previous studies, whose results speak of the distrust of Serbian citizens in political institutions and political actors, low turnout and general passivity and apathy of citizens, the authors deal with the understanding of non-institutional political participation in Serbia. The paper starts from the assumption that the stated indicators pointing to the withdrawal of Serbian citizens from political life do not necessarily represent part of the same phenomenon. Namely, the authors believe that it is necessary to distinguish between the assumptions of institutional and non-institutional civic participation. On the one hand, the authors start from the thesis that high trust in institutions can actually negatively affect the need of citizens to mobilize in order to influence institutions. At the same time, citizens may be inclined to participate in political life through non-institutional channels if they posses a developed sense of internal political efficiency, which is not necessary related to the responsiveness of the political system.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 570-597
Author(s):  
Diastama Anggita Ramadhan

AbstractThe diversity of Indonesian people will affect the social condition, including political life and decision. About the general election, Indonesian people who consist of various tribes, culture, and religion, highly depend on the political party to transfer their aspirations. Indonesian political party has a vital role in Indonesian political culture.  Hence, there are so many political parties in Indonesia because of the number of its citizens. The multi-party mechanism becomes much more important, considering Indonesia's social and geographical conditions. In the context of simplifies the number of the political party in Indonesia, this process will damage the diversity of the people. This article is using normative research method. Later on the discussion, this article will discuss the simplifying process of the political party in Indonesia. Furthermore, it will also examine the impact of the political party simplification on the Unity of the nation. Keywords: General Election; Simplification; Political Party; Unity  AbstrakKeberagaman masyarakat Indonesia merupakan salah satu kelebihan bangsa. Keberagaman masyarakat tersebut kemudian akan mempengaruhi kondisi sosial masyarakat termasuk juga dalam hal politik. Terkait dengan pelaksanaan pemilihan umum, masyarakat yang terdiri dari berbagai suku budaya dan agama ini membawa konsekuensi banyaknya aspirasi masyarakat yang antara satu dengan yang lain membawa kepentingan yang berbeda. Partai politik sebagai salah satu kanal aspirasi masyarakat mempunyai peran yang sangat vital. Mekanisme multipartai di Indonesia menjadi suatu keharusan dengan melihan kondisi sosial dan geografis Indonesia. Dalam konteks penyederhanaan partai politik, proses penyederhanaan kemudian akan merusak tatanan keberagaman tersebut. Penulisan hukum ini menggunakan metode penelitian yuridis normatif. Pada bagian pembahasan penulis akan melakukan kajian terhadap proses penyederhaan partai politik yang pernah terjadi serta mengkaji bagaimana penyederhanaan jumlah partai politik ini dapat menyebabkan terjadinya disintegrasi bangsa. Kata Kunci: Pemilu, Penyederhanaan, Partai Politik, Persatuan


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 295-301
Author(s):  
George N. Chidimbah Munthali ◽  
Wu Xuelian

The outbreak of COVID-19 pandemic has caused the entire world at standstill affecting all the sectors of economies in the whole world. In order to reduce the spread of the cases and the mortality rate of this pandemics many economies have implemented a lot of social distancing measurers with the aim of separating people direct and indirect contacts as the Virus can be transferred through physical contact and is also an airborne, these isolations measures have proved to be effective in many countries. One of the most measures that the developed and developing economies are using is partial or full lockdown, despite being effective way of reducing the impact of the Virus, lockdown measures has also its own cost that the economies are to bier especially when it’s a total or full countrywide lockdown which policy makers must look into too. The approaches of lockdowns and attitudes of people towards lockdowns has been seen differencing in many countries depending on the political system of the government which is in that jurisdiction economic status of the country. This perspective recommends that Countries like Malawi and any other when implementing these lockdowns measures the authorities should consider the political system, costs and other the measures to carter for helping the people like proving stimulus package in order to have a successfully and effective lockdown which is highly recommended to be an effective way of combating the Virus.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
abdul muiz amir

This study aims to find a power relation as a discourse played by the clerics as the Prophet's heir in the contestation of political event in the (the elections) of 2019 in Indonesia. The method used is qualitative based on the critical teory paradigm. Data gathered through literary studies were later analyzed based on Michel Foucault's genealogy-structuralism based on historical archival data. The findings show that, (1) The involvement of scholars in the Pemilu-Pilpres 2019 was triggered by a religious issue that has been through online social media against the anti-Islamic political system, pro communism and liberalism. Consequently create two strongholds from the scholars, namely the pro stronghold of the issue pioneered by the GNPF-Ulama, and the fortress that dismissed the issue as part of the political intrigue pioneered by Ormas NU; (2) genealogically the role of scholars from time to time underwent transformation. At first the Ulama played his role as well as Umara, then shifted also agent of control to bring the dynamization between the issue of religion and state, to transform into motivator and mediator in the face of various issues Practical politic event, especially at Pemilu-Pilpres 2019. Discussion of the role of Ulama in the end resulted in a reduction of the role of Ulama as the heir of the prophet, from the agent Uswatun Hasanah and Rahmatan lil-' ālamīn as a people, now shifted into an agent that can trigger the division of the people.


2017 ◽  
pp. 110-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Kużelewska

This article analyses the impact of constitutional referendums on the political system in Italy. There were three constitutional referendums conducted in 2001, 2006 and 2016. All of them have been organised by the ruling parties, however, only the first one was successful. In the subsequent referendums, the proposals for amending the constitution have been rejected by voters. The article finds that lack of public support for the government resulted in voting „no” in the referendum.


2021 ◽  
pp. 019251212096737
Author(s):  
Gianfranco Baldini ◽  
Edoardo Bressanelli ◽  
Emanuele Massetti

This article investigates the impact of Brexit on the British political system. By critically engaging with the conceptualisation of the Westminster model proposed by Arend Lijphart, it analyses the strains of Brexit on three dimensions developed from from Lijphart’s framework: elections and the party system, executive– legislative dynamics and the relationship between central and devolved administrations. Supplementing quantitative indicators with an in-depth qualitative analysis, the article shows that the process of Brexit has ultimately reaffirmed, with some important caveats, key features of the Westminster model: the resilience of the two-party system, executive dominance over Parliament and the unitary character of the political system. Inheriting a context marked by the progressive weakening of key majoritarian features of the political system, the Brexit process has brought back some of the traditional executive power-hoarding dynamics. Yet, this prevailing trend has created strains and resistances that keep the political process open to different developments.


1994 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Virginia Guedea

Beginning in 1808 the people started to play a prominent role in the political life of Mexico. This article examines the significant growth of popular political participation in the City of Mexico during the period 1808-1812. In particular, it analyzes the substantial role that the people played in the elections of 1812, a role they would continue to play in the early years of the new nation.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shamall Ahmad

The flaws and major flaws in the political systems represent one of the main motives that push the political elite towards making fundamental reforms, especially if those reforms have become necessary matters so that: Postponing them or achieving them affects the survival of the system and the political entity. Thus, repair is an internal cumulative process. It is cumulative based on the accumulated experience of the historical experience of the same political elite that decided to carry out reforms, and it is also an internal process because the decision to reform comes from the political elite that run the political process. There is no doubt that one means of political reform is to push the masses towards participation in political life. Changing the electoral system, through electoral laws issued by the legislative establishment, may be the beginning of political reform (or vice versa), taking into account the uncertainty of the political process, especially in societies that suffer from the decline of democratic values, represented by the processes of election from one cycle to another. Based on the foregoing, this paper seeks to analyze the relationship between the Electoral and political system, in particular, tracking and studying the Iraqi experience from the first parliamentary session until the issuance of the Election Law No. (9) for the year (2020).


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