scholarly journals Possibility of non-institutional political participation within the non-responsive system of Serbia: The impact of (dis)trust and internal political efficiency

Sociologija ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 400-418
Author(s):  
Irena Fiket ◽  
Gazela Pudar-Drasko

Starting from the findings of previous studies, whose results speak of the distrust of Serbian citizens in political institutions and political actors, low turnout and general passivity and apathy of citizens, the authors deal with the understanding of non-institutional political participation in Serbia. The paper starts from the assumption that the stated indicators pointing to the withdrawal of Serbian citizens from political life do not necessarily represent part of the same phenomenon. Namely, the authors believe that it is necessary to distinguish between the assumptions of institutional and non-institutional civic participation. On the one hand, the authors start from the thesis that high trust in institutions can actually negatively affect the need of citizens to mobilize in order to influence institutions. At the same time, citizens may be inclined to participate in political life through non-institutional channels if they posses a developed sense of internal political efficiency, which is not necessary related to the responsiveness of the political system.

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-38
Author(s):  
Wolde Mikhael Kassaye Nigusie ◽  
Natalia Viktorovna Ivkina

The article is devoted to the features of the formation and development of Africa in the postcolonial period. The authors study such fundamental issues as the formation of modern States in Africa, the formation of the ruling elite and its influence on the political and socio-economic system, the role of the army and ethnic conflicts in the process of state formation. The relevance of the research is due to the fact that Russian and foreign historical science has not yet formed a common opinion on how to assess the consequences of the colonial period for Africa. Pluralism of opinions, on the one hand, generates the discussion for research, on the other, introduces a destructive imbalance in the representation of the region. As a novelty of the study, it’s necessary to note the neo-patrimonial approach to studying the features of the postcolonial period in Africa. It identifies separate thematic blocks that help assess the impact of colonization on the development of countries on the continent. The article also considers the correlation between the traditional and westernized elements within African political culture. The borrowing of political institutions and statehood theories is also considered not only as a consequence of the colonial past, but also as the political choice of the first national leaders of Africa, in the framework of their aspiration to choose an effective development way and to find a balance between the tradition and modernization. The main purpose of the study is to assess the results of decolonization in the context of ethnic, military and political aspects of the formation of African States. The polemic nature of the principles of understanding the postcolonial period of African development has led to the need to use a functional approach as a methodological basis. This is due to the need to study the principles of functioning of the political system of the region, rather than individual states. The neo-patrimonialist approach also gave rise to the use of a comparative method to compare the main theoretical postulates with the real situation in Africa. A vast array of sources and literature in Russian and English is needed to reflect the multi-vector possibilities of research on African issues.


Author(s):  
N. V. Karpova

The article is devoted to the study of civilized lobbyism formation in contemporary Russia in the context of the political culture peculiarities. The author explains the use of the concept of “civilized lobbyism” from the standpoint of the presence of various interpretations of lobbying in political science, which prevents a clear separation of legitimate and illegitimate forms of interests’ representation, while the object of research is primarily the legal technologies of influence on power. Political culture is regarded as one of the subjective factors determining the functioning of the mechanisms of interests’ representation in the political system, as well as the specifics of lobbying activities in each particular state. The influence of political culture on the process of lobbying in Russia is analyzed not only at the level of political orientations and behavior of individuals and groups, but also at the level of institutional structures. To study the impact of the political culture on the formation of social practices of lobbying, the author refers to the institutional concept of D. North, in which the mechanism of functioning of social and political institutions is revealed through the correlation of formal and informal rules, norms, attitudes and behaviours. In the context of the development of the democratic representation of interests in contemporary Russia particular attention is given to the problem of preserving and dominating historically established authoritarian orientations in the relations of society and power, as well as the traditions of paternalism and clientellism. However, the author believes that it is not correct to reduce the influence from the political culture mostly to the national traditions. It is concluded that the fundamental condition for the development of civilized lobbying in present day Russia is the is the parallel formation of legal foundations and the corresponding matrix of political culture, both at the level of subjects of lobbying relations and at the level of interests’ representation institutions.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 29-34
Author(s):  
Islam Almughid

The article examines the leading centers of democratic transformation in Arab countries and the formation of an institutional base for democratization processes. It is emphasized that the parameters of the political system of the Arab East are comparable to the some countries of Central and Eastern Europe and the countries of the former USSR, which reveals a problem beyond the limits of purely regional research. The attention has been focused on the socio-cultural specificities of the Arab countries as a factor requiring special attention to consider the social environment of the political system, which affects the organization of power and the specifics of political participation. It is noted that such traditional democratic institutions as active political participation, political leadership, and public activity should be considered through the prism of the traditional guidance of political Islam. It is argued that attempts to realize their own model of modernization of the political system are faced with the failure of political institutions. It is substantiated that in the Arabian countries the level of representation and realization of social interests of citizens has proved to be insufficient. The importance of the national Arab model of political adaptation of society to the conditions of globalization is considered.


Author(s):  
Alexandr V. Guschin ◽  

The article is devoted to the analysis of the main trends in the internal political development of Ukraine within the year since coming to power of President Vladimir Zelensky and the “Servant of the People” party. The author identifies key factors contributing to the recessionary trends in the work of the Executive and Legislative branches of government, examines the main shortcomings of the personnel policy of the new authorities, analyzes the possibility of the collapse of the parliamentary majority, characterizes the problem of a drop in the ratings of the current government and the growth of sympathy for the opposition parties among voters of the party “Servant of the People”, provides a forecast of a possible electoral scenario in the local elections in the autumn of 2020, considering the impact of the coronavirus epidemic in the political life of the country. Special attention is paid to the confrontation between local and central authorities, as well as to the problem of regionalization of Ukraine, taking into account the risk of its transition to an uncontrolled state. The author concludes that, although the Ukrainian authorities have managed to achieve certain tactical successes, they have not yet managed to systematically strengthen their position in the eyes of the society, or start reformatting the country. Many election promises have not been fulfilled; the government’s initiatives are declarative and do not affect the foundations of the Ukrainian political system, which needs radical reform.


2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (03) ◽  
pp. 553-555
Author(s):  
Aleksander Ksiazkiewicz

Political knowledge today is studied primarily at the explicit level. Measures of political knowledge often rely on testing whether voters are aware of various “facts” about political life, such as the names and offices of prominent political actors, the institutional structures of the political system, and the ideological or policy differences between the major political parties (e.g., Delli Carpini and Keeter 1996). These various kinds of political information are considered to be important by political scientists and other social scientists because they facilitate the informed voting decisions that are needed to hold elected leaders accountable (e.g., Lau and Redlawsk 2006; Pande 2011).


2018 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 513-535 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benedetta Berti

The question of how involvement in institutional politics and governance affects rebel groups’ behaviour is pertinent when studying violent non-state actors, both during and in the aftermath of conflict. This is especially the case when participation in the political system becomes sustained over time. The interactions between the political and governance practices of a rebel group and its overall ideological orientation and state-building aspirations are not sufficiently analysed in the literature, especially in the context of hybrid armed-political organizations operating in latent, frozen or protracted conflicts. This article aims to begin to fill this gap by examining how involvement in institutional politics has shaped both Hamas’s and Hezbollah’s branding, interpretation and reliance on their own constitutive ideological manifestos, with an emphasis on both organizations’ dynamic processes aimed at reconciling political participation with their previous ideological rejection of the legitimacy of the political system and their constitutive calls to dramatically restructure the political order. Based on these detailed accounts, this article reflects on how the complex relationship between politics, electoral competition, governance and ideological principles can shape an armed group’s political identity.


1978 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-216 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allan Kornberg ◽  
Harold D. Clarke ◽  
Lawrence Leduc

This paper is concerned with the distribution and foundations of public support for the political regime in Canada. Support for the regime historically has been a matter of concern to Canadian elites. The recent provincial electoral victory of the Parti Québécois, a party dedicated to making Quebec an independent nation, has made regime support and maintenance matters of concern to average citizens as well. The analyses that follow are based upon data gathered in a nation-wide survey of the Canadian electorate in 1974. We focus on the following areas: the extent to which socio-demographic and attitudinal variables conventionally employed in studies of political behavior are related to levels of regime support; the relationships between the direction and strength of partisanship and support for the political regime; the relationships between attitudes toward key political institutions and political actors and the level of regime support; and finally, the effects of major structural and cultural factors (i.e. federalism and regionalism) on support for the regime. From the perspective of comparative political analysis, research in these areas allows us an opportunity to comment on and expand the base of the existing empirical research on regime support. From the more particular perspective of Canadian politics, our analysis may help to clarify the impact on regime support of ethnicity, regionalism, federalism and a British-model parliamentary system.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Diana R. Fatykhova ◽  
Alexandr I. Ostroumov ◽  
Olga F. Ostroumova

The article examines the issue of modernization of the political system of Russia. Formation of a democratic political system is an integral part of Russia's modernization strategy. The relevance and objective need to develop an innovative strategy for the modernization of the political sphere of life in Russian society is determined by the inefficiency of existing political institutions, outdated principles, methods, technologies of organization and management, their inconsistency with modern realities, effective resolution of internal problems and global external challenges. The objective meaning of modernization is determined by modern Russian conditions, the nature of issues and contradictions that require their urgent solution.The study purpose is to develop a strategy for the innovative development of the political system of the Russian Federation. Achievement of this goal requires consideration of the basic conditions and contradictions of the modern development of the political system of the Russian Federation, the most important areas and priorities that contribute to its modernization.As a methodological base for the study, the work includes the following approaches and methods: systemic, structural-functional approaches, sociological, logical, historical and comparative methods, as well as analysis of conditions and contradictions that need to be resolved and contribute to the modernization of the political life of modern Russia.As a research result, we came to the following conclusions: 1. Modernization of the political system of the Russian Federation is an objectively necessary process. However, it is not the result of consensus, but a competition between innovators, conservatives and observers. 2. The strategic goal of modernizing the political system of Russian society is to make Russia one of the leading sovereign powers, with a republican democratic form of government, in which a person lives freely and comfortably. 3. Modernization of the political system shall cover the institutional (state, parties), communicative, regulatory and spiritual and ideological subsystems of Russia. 4. The result of democratic modernization of the political system shall be the formation of political institutions that really reflect and express the interests of social groups and strata and contribute to the formation of solidary community. 5. Creation of a system of ideas and values understandable to the majority of the population, and capable of uniting various layers and groups to carry out modernization. 6. As a result of modernization of the political system as a system of determining goals and priorities, the innovative mechanism becomes an inherent attribute of the development of Russian society. This is the strategic goal of modernization in Russia


Author(s):  
Leonida Tedoldi

This article rethinks the political and institutional causes of the rapid debt growth and its exploitation in the italian “blocked” political system (so-called “First Republic”). Italian State has always lived above its means, with a constant imbalance between income and expenditure and at the same time expanding its distance with respect to society (but the debt was paid by social groups that took advantage of it). This process triggered off a perennial crisis of representation and strengthened the instability of relations between political institutions and society. Therefore, sovereign debt downturns are always crises of institutional legitimization and require a redefinition of the ways in which sovereignty and power are exercised. Thus, the article investigates the impact of the “political use” of the public debt by governments on the relationship between the State and society.


Author(s):  
Jørn Loftager

The tactical game of power positions rather than political substance is given priority in today’s news media to an extent that weakens the democratic role of democratic public reasoning. At the same time the need of such reasoning is critical as ever before. The article outlines a sociological interpretation of this dilemma. The basic argument is that an overall development of a society dominated by horizontal differentiations of function rather than hierarchic differentiations of class has generated new conditions for the exercise of political power. On the one hand, the possibility of direct political steering fades away. On the other hand: due to blurred political identities the logic of the political system forces political actors to make themselves visible in the eyes of the voters by showing power and determination. As a result there is a growth in symbolic politics, tactics and spin which challenge the democratic role and responsibility of journalism.


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