scholarly journals Democratic Dawn? Civil Society and Elections in Myanmar 2010-2012

2012 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 87-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Lidauer
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Transition Process ◽  
International Community ◽  
National Election ◽  
Democratic Regime ◽  
Electoral Process ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Election Observation ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government

While the general elections in Myanmar in November 2010 were widely condemned, both national and international actors approached the by-elections of April 2012 as a political rite-de-passage to improve relations between the government and the opposition inside, and between the former pariah state and the international community outside the country. An undercurrent of the government-led transition process from an authoritarian to a formally more democratic regime was the development of a politically oriented civil society that found ways to engage in the electoral process. This article describes the emerging spaces of election-related civil society activism in the forms of civic and voter education, national election observation, and election-related agency in the media. Noting that, in particular, election observation helps connect civil society to regional and international debates, the paper draws preliminary conclusions about further developments ahead of the general elections in Myanmar expected to take place in 2015.

scholarly journals MEDIA FREEDOM IN KENYA in 2017: A REALITY OR A MIRAGE?

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shirley Genga
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Information Management ◽  
Social Factors ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Bill Of Rights ◽  
Media Freedom ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Free Media ◽  
Freedom House

Media freedom is the capacity of the media to act as a barometer to call government to account vis-à-vis the Constitution of Kenya, 2010 especially the values, spirit and ethos enshrined therein. So much so that countries which are strong democracies always have strong and free media. A free and democratic society is not possible without an independent, free and responsible media and an active civil society. Freedom House Report results from the fact that Kenya currently finds itself in a very interesting position where media freedom exists boldly on paper, but the reality on the ground is something else. The current Constitution of Kenya which came into force on 27 August 2010, has not only been hailed as reformist, but it has a new and progressive Bill of Rights requiring extensive reforms to both the media and information management frameworks. However, the government seems to have another agenda. As will be observed below, the government has introduced several laws that, on the outside appear to be progressive and in line with the new Constitution, but upon closer inspection clearly has an agenda that undermines media freedom in Kenya. In the sections which follow, this paper will analyse the legal framework and social factors relevant to media freedom in Kenya.

News wars will not deter Philippines’s Duterte

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
At Risk ◽  
Public Trust ◽  
Foreign Ownership ◽  
International Community ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Trade Preferences ◽  
The Eu

Significance The SEC in January ordered Rappler to shut down for breaking foreign ownership laws, which Rappler denies. Critics suggest the move was a politically motivated attempt by President Rodrigo Duterte’s government to clamp down on news outlets critical of the government, which Duterte and his administration deny. Impacts The international community, for instance the EU, could decide to halt or cancel trade preferences. Improved Philippine internal security could enhance journalists’ safety, but money shortages will bedevil this effort. Any self-censorship by journalists could undermine public trust in the media and scrutiny of the government. Large Philippine television networks use PDRs and could be at risk if Rappler loses its court appeal.

scholarly journals Public Participation in the General Elections of India: An Overview since 1951

2015 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 17-34
Author(s):  
Ramesh Pandita
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Public Participation ◽  
Party System ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Ground Level ◽  
Democratic Process ◽  
Electoral Process ◽  
The Public ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The Government

Democratic process of any country is based on the participation of the public to form the government through their elected representatives, and the nation having an electoral system in place to choose their representatives can be termed as a nation living true to its democratic essence, while as, the nation elusive of ground level public participation in forming governments can never be termed as living true to democratic colour. The present study is an attempt to understand the electoral process of India, the public participation in the democratic process of the country, which is already fifteen general elections old, lasted over the period 1951 to 2014. Attempt has been made to understand the areas like, growth of parties over the period of time, seat distribution, reservation of seats, electoral participation, polling stations, performance of major national political parties along with electoral turnout both collectively and on gender basis etc. Existence of the multi party system in India and the growth in parties over a period of time gets equally reflected by the fact that in 1951, 54 parties participated in the electoral process and the number grew up to 466 in 2014, reflecting a growth of over 792%. During all the general elections contested by candidates 77.43% contestants forfeited their deposits with an average of 135 political parties contested each general election. Over 80.45% elected candidates to the parliament during all the general elections held so far, represent national parties.

scholarly journals Legitimasi Pemilihan Umum di Indonesia Tahun 2019

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 106-112
Author(s):  
Untung Sri Hardjanto
Keyword(s):  
Social Change ◽  
State Government ◽  
Personal Characteristics ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Legal Research ◽  
The People ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The Media ◽  
Democratic Election ◽  
The Government

Abstract The article aims to find out the legitimacy of the general elections in Indonesia in 2019, especially related to the future implementation of the basic constitution for holding the 2019 general election. Research is normative legal research based on the statutory approach. the results of the study indicate that legitimacy is the recognition and support of the community towards the winner of the election to then form a state government. So that legitimacy is needed for political stability and the possibility of social change and opening opportunities to expand fields in order to improve welfare. For Indonesia, the 2019 Election will receive formal-procedural legitimacy from anyone considering the existence of institutions that carry out the implementation of elections based on the principle of overflow. Whereas the legitimacy that is based on personal characteristics will only be a comparison and directing, leading to the voting of the people, will not affect the government formed given the existence of peaceful and democratic election pacts and the media that has arrived in the regions. Keywords: Legitimacy, Constitution, General Elections, Jurdil, and Luber Abstrak  Artikel bertujuan untuk mengetahui legitimasi pemilihan umum di Indonesia tahun 2019, khususnya terkait dengan masa depan pelaksanaan dasar konstitusi penyelenggaraan pemilihan umum 2019. Penelitian merupakan penelitian hukum normatif yang berdasarkan pada pendekatan statutory approach. hasil penelitian menjukkan bahwa legitimasi merupakan pengakuan dan dukungan dari masyarakat terhadap pemenang pemilu untuk kemudian membentuk pemerintahan negara. Sehingga legitimasi diperlukan untuk kesetabilan politik dan kemungkinan terjadinya perubahan sosial serta membuka kesempatan memperluas bidang-bidang dalam rangka peningkatana kesejahteraan. Untuk Indonesia, Pemilu Tahun 2019 akan mendapat legitimasi formal-prosedural dari siapapun mengingat adanya lemabaga negara yang menjalankan penyelenggaraan pemilu berdasar pada asas luber jurdil. Sedangkan legitimasi yang mendasarkan pada ciri pribadi hanya akan menjadi pembanding dan mengarahkan, menggiring menuju pemberian suara masyarakat, tidak akan berpengaruh pada pemearintahan yang terbentuk mengingat adanya pakta pemilu damai dan demokratis serta mas media yang sudah sampai kedaerah. Kata Kunci: Legitimasi, Konstitusi, Pemilihan Umum, Jurdil dan Luber

scholarly journals Information management in government policy: the challenges of time and responses to them

2021 ◽  
pp. 31-36
Author(s):  
S. Bulbeniuk ◽  
Yu. Maneliuk
Keyword(s):  
Social Capital ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Mass Media ◽  
Information Management ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Government Policy ◽  
Social Phenomena ◽  
Communication Techniques ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government

The article examines the peculiarities of the formation of government policy in the field of information management under the influence of systemic challenges of recent years. Particular attention is paid to the role and place of civil society, in particular its network segment, in the relationship between the state and the media in the media market. The authors propose a rationale for information management and social capital of society as interrelated political and social phenomena. After all, the effective promotion of certain models of information management is possible under the conditions of attracting social capital to the mechanisms of political communication. At the same time, social capital as an exclusively group resource is both an object and a subject of information flows involved in the processes of political communication. The problem of mass media involvement is covered in two aspects. First, through the consideration of communication techniques. Secondly, it was found that in recent years the practice of forming qualitatively different models of mass media financing has become established. The article analyzes the prospects of diversification of mass media funding sources through public activist campaigns of donors and crowdfunding, in particular in Ukraine. In the domestic socio-political realities, according to the authors, it is worth talking more about attempts to introduce such a systemic practice. And this is not surprising, because the spread of donor and crowdfunding practices of the mass media is one of the indicators of the maturity of civil society. However, traditional and modern channels of interaction between the government and civil society in the field of information management can have unpredictable consequences, such as the threat of manipulative influences of different directions.

From #MeToo to #ProtestToo: How a Feminist Movement Converged with a Pro-democracy Protest in Hong Kong

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Ruby Y. S. Lai
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Sexual Violence ◽  
Feminist Movement ◽  
Sexual Assaults ◽  
Collaborative Model ◽  
Police Violence ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government

The #MeToo movement in Hong Kong emerged in late 2017, subsequently converged with the Anti-Extradition Law protest in 2019, and evolved into the #ProtestToo campaign against police violence and sexual assult. This essay traces the development of the #MeToo movement and analyzes the collaboration among the government, civil society, and the media in fostering the movement to combat sexual violence. It argues that whether the collaborative model succeeds or fails depends upon sociocultural and political circumstances: the failure of existing measures in preventing, investigating, and prosecuting the alleged sexual assaults inflicted on protesters in 2019 reveals how a shift to authoritarian governance may cripple the established anti–sexual violence collaboration.

Islam in the Spotlight: The Mediatisation of Politics in an Amsterdam Neighbourhood

Urban Studies ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 47 (6) ◽  
pp. 1325-1342 ◽  
Author(s):  
Justus Uitermark ◽  
Amy-Jane Gielen
Keyword(s):  
Field Theory ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Media Representations ◽  
Van Gogh ◽  
Political Struggles ◽  
Before And After ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Discursive Power

Conflicts over the presence of migrants and Muslims in Western societies have become increasingly ‘mediatised’ in recent years. Interactions between governments and migrants are now subject to constant scrutiny and the media have become a prime battle ground for political struggles. This paper investigates the effects of mediatisation on the relationships between the government and civil society associations in one Amsterdam neighbourhood before and after a Muslim extremist assassinated film maker Theo van Gogh in November 2004. With the help of field theory, it is shown that media representations do not just reflect local realities, but in fact are a part and outcome of struggles between actors unequally invested with discursive power. Mediatisation thus transforms the logic of politics and alters the balance of power between different actors.

scholarly journals Constitution-making in a stifled democracy: A case study of self-censorship perpetuating propaganda in Fiji

2013 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 167 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mosmi Bhim
Keyword(s):  
International Community ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Media Reporting ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Military ◽  
Constitution Making

Fiji is preparing for general elections in 2014 by when the country will have been under military rule for eight years. A process of constitution-making began in mid-2012 and a new Constitution should be available by 2013. Citizens and the media continue to practise self-censorship and the military regime continues to remind citizens that they would crack down harshly on ‘trouble-makers’. In the same breath, the regime has promised the international community that the process for constitution-making will be free, fair, participatory and transparent. This article, through analysis of media reporting, will examine whether current self-censorship by media is aiding the constitution-making process, and if indeed, self-censorship is promoting peace? Through an analysis of the work of the Constitution Commission, the article will analyse the extent of participation of citizens in the context of a stifled democracy.

Mass Media, Elections, and Good Governance

2017 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Godwin Ehiarekhian Oboh
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
The Public ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Mass Participation ◽  
Tripartite Relationship

This paper explores the tripartite relationship between the media, elections and good governance in the contemporary Nigerian politics. It examines the growing impact of the media (especially with the emergence of the new media) on the various ways in which Nigerian political parties, politicians as well as governments present themselves to the electorate both for the purposes of electioneering campaigns and promotion of government policies as agenda for development. The paper foregrounds the critical roles that the media have to play in order to open up the public sphere and facilitate mass participation in governance with the implication of enhancing democratic values and cultures in Nigerian democracy. In this regard, particular focus is paid to reporting the 2007 general elections and the influence of the Nigerian newspaper proprietors and the government on the editorial stance of the media on the elections. It was noted that the government owned newspapers tended to reflect the position of the authoritarian model, while their private owned counterparts operated along the lines of the libertarian perspective while reporting on the elections.

A Review of the Electoral Process under Ghana's Fourth Republic

2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 355-377
Author(s):  
Lydia A. Nkansah ◽  
Delali A. Gawu
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Electoral Process ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
Electoral Cycle ◽  
Fourth Republic ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Election Results

There have been seven general elections, under Ghana's Fourth Republic, to elect presidents and members of parliament. There are laws regulating the electoral process and election results have generally been accepted and, in a few cases, challenged through the laid-down process. Elections in Ghana are nonetheless reportedly flawed with irregularities tainting the outcome and creating tensions and sometimes pockets of violence. This article examines the electoral process under Ghana's Fourth Republic, namely the adoption of regulations for each electoral cycle, voters’ registration and the voters’ register, nomination of aspirants, voting, counting of votes and declaration of the results. To ensure the integrity of the electoral process, the laws regulating elections should comply with the dictates of the procedural requirements of the rule of law and the Electoral Commission's actions must be consistent with these laws.

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