O Milanu Nediću

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jovan Trišić

The work consists of two parts, or as Trisic states "books". The first book is about the character and actions of General Milan Nedić. This book consists of two parts. The first part discusses Nedić before his appointment as President of the "Government of National Salvation" at the end of August 1941, and the second part deals with his actions as Prime Minister. Through both of these acts, Trišić argues with the allegations from the aforementioned work of Petar Martinović, occasionally inserting very valuable personal testimonies from the initial period of the occupation, until he was arrested in November 1941. He is very critical of Nedić, and reprimands Martinović and Karapandžić for "throwing mud at Draža Mihailović's work". The second, much smaller unit, ie the book, is called "Communist untruths at the trial of Draža Mihailović". This text was published in sequels in the magazine American Srbobran in 1955, and Trišić included it in the book in a slightly modified form. In this book, he argues with prosecutors and judges at the trial of Dragoljub Mihailović in 1946, often quoting published shorthand notes (Traitor and war criminal Draža Mihailović before the court: shorthand notes and documents from the trial of Dragoljub Draža Mihailović, Belgrade 1946). Trisic considered this trial a farce whose goal was not to "establish the material truth - which would be defeating for the communists - but everything was conducted for the purpose of propaganda."

2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-26

This section comprises international, Arab, Israeli, and U.S. documents and source materials, as well as an annotated list of recommended reports. Significant developments this quarter: In the international diplomatic arena, the UN Security Council approved Resolution 2334, reaffirming the illegality of Israeli settlements and calling for a return to peace negotiations. Additionally, former U.S. secretary of state John Kerry delivered a final address on the Israel-Palestine conflict, outlining a groundwork for negotiations. Two weeks later, international diplomats met in Paris to establish incentives for Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Palestinian Authority president Mahmoud Abbas to return to the negotiating table. Despite international discussions of peace talks and the impediment settlements pose to a two-state solution, the Israeli Knesset passed the controversial Regulation Law, enabling the government to retroactively legalize settlements and confiscate Palestinian land throughout the West Bank. Meanwhile, U.S. president Donald Trump took office on 20 January 2017, and he wasted no time before inviting Netanyahu to the White House for their first meeting, in February.


Author(s):  
سوهيرين محمد صالحين ◽  
ناصر يوسف

يستعرض هذا البحث مكانة محمد ناصر الوزير والمفكِّر والداعية والمصلح في بلاده إندونيسيا بخاصة وآسيا بعامة. كما يبسط رأي الشخصيات الآسيوية في شخص محمد الناصر لا سيما من الذين عايشوه من قرب واحتكوا به وأفادوا منه، أمثال: أمين رئيس، وأنور إبراهيم، وفوكودا، وغيرهم من العارفين الآسيويين الذي تقلَّدوا مناصب عليا في بلادهم وأسمعوا صوتهم للعالم؛ إذ أجمعوا على أن محمد ناصر أرض هادرة، وعملة نادرة ليست قابلة للسكِّ، وحكاية غير عابرة بل حاضرة في وجدان كل إنسان في قلبه إنسان. الكلمات المفتاحية: محمد ناصر، إندونيسيا، محمد رئيس، أنور إبراهيم، فوكودا. Abstract The paper attempts to expose the position of Muhammad Natsir in his capacity as Prime Minister, thinker, preacher and Muslim reformer of Indonesia and Asia in general. Prominent figures, such as Amin Rais, Dato Seri Anwar Ibraham and Takeo Fukuda and many others who occupied high post within the government gave high appreciation on personal characters of Mohammad Natsir. He is beyond any doubt possessed valuable character and left lasting memory in human history. Keywords: Mohammad Natsir, Amin Rais, Anwar Ibrahim and Takeo Fukuda.


Author(s):  
R. A. W. Rhodes

The core executive is a new concept replacing the conventional debate about the power of the prime minister and the Cabinet. It refers to all those organizations and procedures that coordinate central government policies, and act as final arbiters of conflict between different parts of the government machine. In brief, the ‘core executive’ is the heart of the machine. The chapter reviews the several approaches to studying the British executive: prime ministerial government; prime ministerial cliques; Cabinet government; ministerial government; segmented decision-making; and bureaucratic coordination. It then discusses several ways forward by developing new theory and methods. The Afterword discusses the core executive as interlocking networks, and the fluctuating patterns of executive politics.


Author(s):  
Huang-Ting Yan

Abstract This article answers why intra-executive conflict varies across semi-presidential democracies. The literature verifies that intra-executive competition tends to be higher when the president holds less power to dismiss the cabinet, coexists with a minority government, or the president’s party is not represented in the cabinet. This paper, therefore, integrates these factors to construct an index of prime ministerial autonomy, proposing that its relationship with the probability of intra-executive conflict is represented by an inverted U-shaped curve. That is, when the prime minister is subordinated to an elected president, or conversely, enjoys greater room to manoeuvre in the executive affairs of the government, the likelihood of conflict is low. In contrast, significant confrontation emerges when the president claims constitutional legitimacy to rein in the cabinet, and controls the executive to a certain degree. This study verifies hypotheses using data on seventeen semi-presidential democracies in Europe between 1990 and 2015.


Author(s):  
Afroz Ahmad ◽  
Usha Roopnarain

The last Indian parliamentary election held in 2014, proved to be the finest example of India’s age-old commitment towards the pinnacle of democratic norms. India had set a niche by conducting the largest democratic franchise in history. First time ever since the 1984, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) achieved the majority in the Lok Sabha without clubbing with coalition partners. It also got the absolute mandate to rule India’s federal government by ending the Congress monopoly. Interestingly, the Prime Ministerial candidate Narendra Modi in his campaigns criticized Congress-led United Progressive Alliance II (UPA II) for its impotency towards establishing friendly and cooperative relations with India’s neighbors. He also gave assurance that if his party (BJP) got the mandate, his leadership would adopt appropriate measures to resuscitate convivial ties with neighbors. Since forming the government, Prime Minister Modi has been persistently trying to pursue those promises by proceeding towards friendly ties with India’s neighbors. In the light of above discussion, this paper seeks to critically analyze the progress in Indo-Nepal relations under BJP government led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi.


2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 351-366
Author(s):  
Rajeev Ranjan Kumar ◽  
Muhammad Rizwan

Abstract Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is a controversial figure and has polarised public debate for over a decade. He is criticised for the decline in growth rate and increase in unemployment rate. It has been five years since the Modi-led Bhartiya Janata Party (bjp) came to power, so analysing the economic performance and extremist religious behaviour of the Modi-led bjp/rss (Rastriya Sevak Sangh) is interesting. This article discusses the non-conventional views on the economic performance of the government in India, and the ideology of Hindutva and hatred towards religious minorities. This deep-rooted hatred of religious minorities and the lower caste is the core philosophy of Hindutva and is followed by the bjp and rss. Under the shadow of the rss, the Modi government has focused on Hindutva rather than the economy and the people, which has been the most important factor in the economic decline of India.


Author(s):  
Tracey Jensen

This book has examined the good parenting scripts emerging from popular culture, policy discussion, public debate and across media, and how these scripts have championed affluent, ambitious and aspirational maternity in particular, and created and sustained a vocabulary of ‘individual responsibility’ and ‘hardworking families’. It has also discussed how neoliberalism co-opted liberal feminism and has highlighted increasingly unsympathetic and lurid portrayals of poverty, as well as the rising resentments over social security that they animate. This epilogue discusses the rise of a new trans-Atlantic age of neoliberal authoritarianism in Britain under the government of Prime Minister Theresa May, focusing in particular on her early commitments to ‘just about managing’ families (JAMs) and her initiatives aimed at containing resentments about austerity and the crushing material privations caused by the retrenchment of the welfare state.


1993 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 453-467 ◽  
Author(s):  
J.T. Ludeke

Although there was some surprise when the prime minister announced that the government would legislate to give effect to certain conventions of the International Labour Organisation, the way has been open to take this initiative for many years. The possibility of relying on the external affairs power in the Constitution to invoke the conventions, and thereby regulate labour conditions, was first canvassed in the High Court in 1936. Since 1982, there has been a series of cases involving Common wealth legislation founded on conventions to which Australia is party and it is now well established that the external affairs power will support domestic legislation giving effect to Australia's international commitments. To date, Commonwealth legislative initiatives have been in such areas as prohibiting racial discrimination and the protection of world heritage properties, but the reasoning which has been applied by the High Court is equally relevant to legislation providing for regulation of labour conditions. Commonwealth legislation in this field has meant an erosion of state responsibility and the cumulative effect of such legislation raises questions about the disturbance of the federal balance established by the Constitution.


Race & Class ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 23-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suvendrini Perera

In the week before the attacks in the US 'changed the worldforever', a Norwegian container ship, the MV Tampa, rescued almost four hundred asylum seekers from asinking boat off the Indonesian archipelago. The captain sailed towards Australia, but was refused permission to land by a government declaring that this nation would 'not be held hostage by our own decency'. In the face of UN and international disapproval, the Tampa was boarded by armed troops and forcibly moved out of Australian waters. During the following week, capitalising on widespread general hostility towards Afghanistan and Islam in the wake of the September 11 attacks, the Australian parliament rushed through legislation implementing unprecedented measures to keep out asylum seekers. The Australian government's actions chillingly foreshadowed a wider western reaction. In May 2002, Britain's prime minister Blair proposed a series of initiatives strikingly similar to those adopted by Australia, including the use of the Royal Navy to intercept and turn back asylum seekers and the internment of refugees off-shore on large ships leased by the government. The story of the Tampa, then, is part of an unfolding global story.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 1069-1076
Author(s):  
Ashish Singhal, Et. al.

The extenuation of non-conventional global energy demands and changing environments is one of the most important ingredients in recent days. A case is about the study of sun energy acquired as clean energy by the government of India (GOI). GOI announced the various schemes for solar energy (SE) in the last decades because of the tremendous growth of solar energy aspects for the non-conventional sources with the support of central and state government. This article covered the progress of solar energy in India with major achievements. In this review article, the authors are trying to show the targets of the government of India (GOI) by 2022 and his vintage battle to set up a plant of solar or clean energy in India. This paper also emphasizes the different policies of GOI to schooling the people for creating the jobs in different projects like “Make in India”. This paper projected the work of the dynamic Prime Minister of India Mr. Narendra Modi and his bravura performance to increase the targets 100 GW solar energy by 2022.


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