scholarly journals Liquid Separation: Three Fundamental Dimensions within LiquidFeedback and other Voting Technologies

2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 45-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicolas Mendoza
Keyword(s):  
Critical Analysis ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Liquid Separation ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
Political Expression ◽  
Digital Platform ◽  
Voting Technology ◽  
State Of Affairs

The objective of this paper is to capitalize on the experiences of LiquidFeedback, providing insights that can be helpful for future developers of voting technologies. The condition of LiquidFeedback as a digital platform carries dramatic implications in terms of its ability to perceive, secure, and make effective the political expression of the community. Beyond the hype, can the LiquidFeedback platform accurately perceive the political will of participants? As a voting technology, is it socially located in a position from where it can meaningfully change the state of affairs of society? Is it configured so that it guarantees fairness and safety from both public and private perspectives? As a result of the conjunction of interviews and critical analysis, three fundamental dimensions to all voting technologies are proposed: Expressivity, Influence, and Integrity.

The State as an Actor

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Georg Menz
Keyword(s):  
Service Sector ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Regulatory Capture ◽  
Banking Institutions ◽  
Political Left ◽  
Central Actor ◽  
Capitalist State ◽  
State Of Affairs ◽  
Rules Of The Game

Despite the state being such a central actor in establishing and policing the rules of the game of any given political economy, its role is often neglected. In this chapter, we briefly review relevant state theories and explore changes to the nature and appearance of the capitalist state. The awesome increase in the political fire power of the financial service sector has unfortunately led to regulatory capture. The state can no longer be considered a neutral umpire, being heavily influenced by the prerogatives of major banking institutions. This state of affairs corrupts the hopes that liberals place in the self-policing powers of the marketplace and reflects certain fears on the political left regarding the pernicious effects of ‘financialization’.

Can Russia Fight Organized Crime and Corruption?

2002 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 37-55
Author(s):  
Louise I. Shelley
Keyword(s):  
Organized Crime ◽  
Local Level ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Structural Problems ◽  
Economic Elite ◽  
High Level ◽  
Personal Interests

The murder of Valentin Tsvetkov, the governor of Magadan in central Moscow in broad day light in October 2002 highlights that organized crime and corruption are still alive and well and highly destructive of life and governance in Russia (Wines, 2002). His murder once again raises the question, “Why has Russia not been able to stop organized crime and high level corruption?” The answer is that Russia docs not have the political will at the national, regional or local level to fight these problems. This is true because the Kremlin and economic elite push their personal interests over those of the state and the society. Structural problems such as low salaries of state personnel and the embedding of organized crime and corruption make reform very difficult.

Environmental modernization and administrative simplification in Portugal

elni Review ◽  
2016 ◽  
pp. 10-17
Author(s):  
Alexandra Aragão
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
Critical Analysis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Effective Management ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Constitutional Amendments ◽  
The Public ◽  
Administrative Simplification ◽  
Detailed Presentation ◽  
Made In

The fight against bureaucracy has been a constitutional goal in Portugal since 1982, when the first constitutional amendments were made. In Article 267(1), the following was included on the organization and goals of the Public Administration: “the Public Administration shall be structured in such a way as to avoid bureaucratisation, bring departments and services closer to local people and ensure that interested parties take part in its effective management, particularly via public associations, residents’ organisations and other forms of democratic representation”. Unfortunately, the mere fact of having a constitutional article dedicated to bureaucracy does not automatically fulfil the intended goal unless there is also the political will, governmental commitment and institutional capacity to achieve the objective. Since 2005 the conditions for serious and systematic simplification have finally been met. In this article, the legal and political context in which the first modernization initiatives occurred, firstly, is briefly explained. Then, the article moves on to a more detailed presentation and critical analysis of the recent legal changes that took place in 2015 and transformed the environmental bureaucracy landscape in Portugal.

Toward a Liberal Theory of Punishment: Locke, Property, and Individualism

2013 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 350-366
Author(s):  
Alfonso Donoso
Keyword(s):  
Critical Analysis ◽  
The State ◽  
Natural Rights ◽  
Liberal Theory ◽  
The Political ◽  
Recent Theory ◽  
Basic Character ◽  
Justification Of Punishment ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Character

AbstractBy offering a critical analysis of Nicolás Maloberti’s recent theory and justification of punishment, this article accounts for a series of principles and considerations that any liberal and Lockean theory of punishment must take seriously. This article contends that Locke’s conception of the state – an institution grounded on the right to punish violators of natural rights – and the basic character of the right to property within Locke’s scheme of rights are elements that should lead us to affirm that no genuine liberal theory of punishment can dispense with the political character of the right to punish.

scholarly journals Political will is a required condition effective combating corruption.

2020 ◽  
pp. 359-365
Author(s):  
Kvasha Oksana
Keyword(s):  
Political Influence ◽  
The State ◽  
Necessary Condition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leader ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
The Will ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
The Government

Effective counteraction to corruption at all levels is not possible without the symbiosis of such components as influencing the causes and conditions of corruption, creating systemic anti-corruption legislation, its effective application to all without exception manifestations of corruption in all levels of state power. However, such a symbiosis can only produce a positive result if the political will of the state leadership is available. I would call it a "conditio sine qua non" (a condition without which there is) overcoming corruption in the country, because in Latin "conditio sine qua non" means "a necessary condition", a necessary condition for the result. Political will in combating corruption is not only the will of the political leader (head of state) as an individual, but also the will of individuals from his immediate environment. Only political will is capable of ensuring the effectiveness of all other necessary components of counteracting corruption. The political will of the leadership of the state is a conditio sine qua non of minimizing corruption in the country, that is, a condition without which effective counteraction to corruption and corruption crime in Ukraine is impossible. The presence of political will is a prerequisite in the chain of others who are not capable of effectively preventing the spread of corruption in the absence of political will of the government. No other political conditions, economic, social or legislative levers will succeed in reducing corruption. Therefore, a promising direction for further research on this issue is the development of a scientifically sound mechanism for political influence of the government on the effectiveness of anti-corruption measures in Ukraine.

Nietzsche on the Rise of Strong Political States and Their Cultivation of Higher Individuals

2019 ◽  
Vol 82 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-95
Author(s):  
Simon Townsend
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Moral Code ◽  
Hostile Environment ◽  
Human Flourishing ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Value System ◽  
Democratic State

AbstractI argue that Nietzsche offers an account of how strong political states develop and how the highest forms of individuality emerge when the political will of these strong states weakens. Communities develop strength in proportion to the hostility of their environment. In order to flourish in a hostile environment, they must cultivate powerful and ambitious citizens by intensifying their most powerful drives, such as a lust for power. To control these citizens they must ruthlessly suppress individuality and allow these drives to be discharged in ways that do not threaten the community. This is achieved through an inflexible value system. When the political will of the state declines and this moral code weakens, the highest forms of individuality emerge. This account clarifies why Nietzsche tends to praise aristocratic states and brings into focus the obstacles to achieving the highest forms of human flourishing within a democratic state.

Russian Society and the Three Decades of National Parliamentarism

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 38-49
Author(s):  
Alexey V. Makarkin
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Family Health ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
Social Phenomenon ◽  
Russian People ◽  
The Law ◽  
State Of Affairs ◽  
Vladimir Putin

The Russian Parliament is often considered to be an unpopular authority, though on closer examination it becomes evident that the situation is more complicated than it could seem at first glance. The popularity of State Duma during the presidency of Vladimir Putin is really inferior to the popularity of the President, still the attitude to the State Duma as the instrument of power depends greatly on the actual political state of affairs and the state of public opinion, and has changed in different times. At the same time the reaction of the society to the lawmaking process may be of more fundamental character. The conservative style of behavior of the Russian people in recent years has substantially changed their attitude to the law, and can be viewed as an important new factor of public opinion. We could speak about such social phenomenon as “new conservatism” that is more related to the style of life than to the political choice, when this style is targeted to the “normality” demonstrated in the concern for the personal and family health and welfare, and respect for the law, even if the law is not perfect, as the necessary tool for the defense of the citizen’s interests. Such conservatism favors the growth of the “Yedinaya Rossia” (“United Russia”) party rating, but doesn’t exclude the possibility of those conservatives voting for non-conservative parties, depending on the sympathies and current political challenges.

History as an Obstacle to Change: The Case of Haiti

1989 ◽  
Vol 31 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mats Lundahl
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Economic Policy ◽  
Policy Analysis ◽  
Good Deal ◽  
Economic Models ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Public Policy Analysis ◽  
The Government

…widespread social evils are seldom unconnected with the selfish and brutal behavior of powerful groups and individuals…(Andreski, 1966)Most economic models do not explicitly incorporate the “state” or the “government” into their analyses. Instead, this entity is viewed as a deus ex machina which plans and directs economic policy according to notions of efficiency, growth, distributional justice, and so on, that form the central concepts of the models. Unfortunately, the same naive thinking permeates a good deal of public policy analysis. This is the case, for example, with issues of development and underdevelopment. Here, attention is concentrated on “technical,” or “economic,” solutions, while taking for granted, either implicitly or explicitly, the existence of the political will necessary to implement them.

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