scholarly journals Kritik Ekonomi Islam Terhadap Pemikiran Karl Marx Tentang Sistem Kepemilikan Dalam Sistem Sosial Masyarakat

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Kambali

The theory of Karl Marx’s Historical Materialism states that system of ownership is a necessity in the social system. Marx declares the social system development takes place in five stages. The first stage is primitive-communal society has have not recognized the system of ownership. The second stage is the stage of division of labor and the emergence of ownership. The third stage is formation of feudal society. The fourth stage is development of a capitalist community. The final stage is stage of development of the social system which is the formation of a socialist-communist society. If seen from ownership, the social-communal system is divided into three sections; the stage of primitive-communal society, the division of labor and the stages of ownership, and phase of the ownership elimination. According to Marx, the ownership of proletariat workers system suffers exploitation and alienation. Both of these things can only be solved by removing the ownership system which is replaced by the role of collective ownership. For Islamic economics, exploitation and alienation experienced by the proletariat workers are the result of inconsistencies in wealth management and distribution system in the capitalist system, not proprietary. Islamic Economics is looking at the role of individuals in managing their wealth and their distribution pattern. Keywords: Historical Materialism, Ownership, Exploitation, Alienation

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-187
Author(s):  
Muhammad Kambali

The theory of Karl Marx’s Historical Materialism states that system of ownership is a necessity in the social system. Marx declares the social system development takes place in five stages. The first stage is primitive-communal society has have not recognized the system of ownership. The second stage is the stage of division of labor and the emergence of ownership. The third stage is formation of feudal society. The fourth stage is development of a capitalist community. The final stage is stage of development of the social system which is the formation of a socialist-communist society. If seen from ownership, the social-communal system is divided into three sections; the stage of primitive-communal society, the division of labor and the stages of ownership, and phase of the ownership elimination. According to Marx, the ownership of proletariat workers system suffers exploitation and alienation. Both of these things can only be solved by removing the ownership system which is replaced by the role of collective ownership. For Islamic economics, exploitation and alienation experienced by the proletariat workers are the result of inconsistencies in wealth management and distribution system in the capitalist system, not proprietary. Islamic Economics is looking at the role of individuals in managing their wealth and their distribution pattern.


Author(s):  
Gulbarshyn Chepurko ◽  
Valerii Pylypenko

The paper examines and compares how the major sociological theories treat axiological issues. Value-driven topics are analysed in view of their relevance to society in times of crisis, when both societal life and the very structure of society undergo dramatic change. Nowadays, social scientists around the world are also witnessing such a change due to the emergence of alternative schools of sociological thought (non-classical, interpretive, postmodern, etc.) and, subsequently, the necessity to revise the paradigms that have been existed in sociology so far. Since the above-mentioned approaches are often used to address value-related issues, building a solid theoretical framework for these studies takes on considerable significance. Furthermore, the paradigm revision has been prompted by technological advances changing all areas of people’s lives, especially social interactions. The global human community, integral in nature, is being formed, and production of human values now matters more than production of things; hence the “expansion” of value-focused perspectives in contemporary sociology. The authors give special attention to collectivities which are higher-order units of the social system. These units are described as well-organised action systems where each individual performs his/her specific role. Just as the role of an individual is distinct from that of the collectivity (because the individual and the collectivity are different as units), so too a distinction is drawn between the value and the norm — because they represent different levels of social relationships. Values are the main connecting element between the society’s cultural system and the social sphere while norms, for the most part, belong to the social system. Values serve primarily to maintain the pattern according to which the society is functioning at a given time; norms are essential to social integration. Apart from being the means of regulating social processes and relationships, norms embody the “principles” that can be applied beyond a particular social system. The authors underline that it is important for Ukrainian sociology to keep abreast of the latest developments in the field of axiology and make good use of those ideas because this is a prerequisite for its successful integration into the global sociological community.


Societies ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rami Zeedan

This study applies the negative peace/positive peace approach to internal nation-state relations between the majority and ethnic minority. This approach focuses on the policies implemented by the state. In order to understand the social system from its formation, an important focus should be given to the period of establishment of a new state, whereas physical borders are defined along with the borders of society, which determines who is included in the new nation and who is excluded. The conclusions are based on the case of the Israeli Druze, an ethnic minority with whom the state of Israel and its Jewish majority have achieved positive peace. This study suggests that the positive peace with the Druze was achieved following their integration in the army—as a decision of the state of Israel—that lead to their integration in the Israeli society. Conversely to the Israeli Muslims, where a negative peace is maintained, following the early year’s state policy to exclude them.


Author(s):  
Robbie Duschinsky ◽  
Sarah Foster

Critics have alleged that in attempting to adapt to the individual-centric environment of contemporary health provision, mentalization-based therapy itself has been complicit with the atomization of society. Conversations with his colleague Peter Fuggle and Dickon Bevington at the Anna Freud Centre have also had a profound role in highlighting to Fonagy the importance of the wider social system around the individual. Pursuing these questions, this chapter begins by examining the growing attention to the social environment shown by Fonagy and colleagues, and especially their exploration of the role of friends and friendships for mentalization and epistemic trust. It will then examine the reflections and research by Fonagy and collaborators on public mental health. The researchers’ hopes regarding school-based prevention will be given particular attention, and the chapter will also show how this work has shaped Fonagy’s efforts as a policy influencer. Finally, the chapter will appraise the considerations offered by Fonagy and colleagues of the role of culture, in particular the issue of whether attention to cultural processes should be regarded as mentalizing, non-mentalizing or as not mentalizing, and whether organizations and societies can themselves be said to institutionalize cultures of mentalizing or non-mentalizing.


2011 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 99-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robin Blackburn

AbstractKarl Marx and Abraham Lincoln held very different views on the ‘social question’. This essay explores the way in which they converged in their estimation of slavery during the course of the Civil War; Marx was an ardent abolitionist, and Lincoln came to see this position as necessary. It is argued that the rôle of runaway slaves – called ‘contraband’ – and German-revolutionary ’48ers played a significant rôle in the radicalisation of Lincoln and the direction of the War.


Author(s):  
Halimatus Sadiyah

Female Ulama are different from female scholars.  If female ulama are female scholars, then female ulama are ulama (both women and men) who have a gender perspective.  The meaning of women has shifted not only biologically, but also ideologically.  The existence of the pesantren is influenced by the values, perceptions, policies, habits and behavior of the people in it.  Has characteristics that can influence the formation of positive attitudes and morals.  Women clerics, or so-called bu Nyai in Javanese terms, are culture creators who play an important role in the pesantren.  The role of organizational leaders in maintaining organizational culture, with a concentration on the issue of eliminating violence against women, preventing child marriage, extremism and environmental fatwas.  The role of female ulam can be seen when determining boundaries, meaning that they are able to create clear cultural differences between one organization and another.  Second, it plays a role in facilitating and generating organizational commitment above individual interests.  Third, the role of bringing a sense of identity to organizational members.  Fourth, plays a role in the stability of the social system.


1951 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-57
Author(s):  
James D. Thompson

The effects of the mass media can be understood better if the role of other elements of the social system in passing along and interpreting ideas also is considered. The author, a member of the Wisconsin journalism faculty, is working toward the Ph.D. in sociology at the University of North Carolina.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
thomas Scheff

A Theory of War and Violence (First section)Thomas Scheff, G. Reginald Daniel, and Joseph Loe-Sterphone, Dept of Sociology, UCSB(9260 words total) Abstract: It is possible that war in modern societies is largely driven by emotions, but in a way that is almost completely hidden. Modernity individualizes the self and tends to ignore emotions. As a result, conflict can be caused by sequences in which the total hiding of humiliation leads to vengeance. This essay outlines a theory of the social-emotional world implied in the work of C. H. Cooley and others. Cooley’s concept of the “looking-glass self” can be used as antidote to the assumptions of modernity: the basic self is social and emotional: selves are based on “living in the mind” of others, with a result of feeling either pride of shame. Cooley discusses shame at some length, unlike most approaches, which tend to hide it. This essay proposes that the complete hiding of shame can lead to feedback loops (spirals) with no natural limit: shame about shame and anger is only the first step. Emotion backlogs can feed back when emotional experiences are completely hidden: avoiding all pain can lead to limitless spirals. These ideas may help explain the role of France in causing WWI, and Hitler’s rise to power in Germany. To the extent that these propositions are true, the part played by emotions and especially shame in causing wars need to be further studied.“...if a whole nation were to feel ashamed it would be like a lion recoiling in order to spring.” Karl Marx (1975, p. 200)


1982 ◽  
Vol 76 (4) ◽  
pp. 778-789 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amos Perlmutter ◽  
William M. LeoGrande

This article is an effort to establish a comparative theoretical framework for the study of civil-military relations in communist political systems. Although the literature on civil-military relations in polyarchic and praetorian polities is theoretically as well as empirically rich, theories of civil-military relations in the field of comparative communism are still at the preliminary stage of development. It is argued that civil-military relations, like all the fundamental dynamics of communist political systems, derive from the structural relationship between a hegemonic Leninist party and the other institutions of the polity. Although the party directs and supervises all other institutions, its political supremacy is necessarily limited by the division of labor among various institutions. The relative autonomy of the military and its relations with the party vary from one country to another and can be described as coalitional, symbiotic, or fused. These relations are dynamic, changing over time in each country in response to contextual circumstances. The role of the military in politics is complex and variegated: on ideological issues, there is usually little conflict between party and army; on issues of “normal politics,” the military acts as a functionally specific elite engaged in bargaining to defend its perceived institutional interests; and in crisis politics, the military is a political resource that various party factions seek to enlist against their opponents.


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