scholarly journals Indonesia’s African Foreign Policy Shift under President Jokowi

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Christophe Dorigné-Thomson ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Explanatory Power ◽  
50Th Anniversary ◽  
Holistic Approach ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Economic Diplomacy ◽  
Policy Shift ◽  
Policy Priority ◽  
Political Economic

Under President Jokowi’s leadership, Indonesia seems to have made Africa a foreign policy priority. Previously bounded by Bandung romanticism and lacking understanding on the contemporary strategic importance of Africa, Indonesia finally launched its own Africa+1 forum in April 2018 in Bali, the Indonesia Africa Forum (IAF), following an economic diplomacy framework and will to do business with Africa. For Jokowi, Bandung should be leveraged to mean business. Indonesia had previously struggled to institutionalize Asia-Africa intercontinental multilateralism through the New Africa-Asia Strategic Partnership (NAASP) launched during the 2005 Asia Africa Summit in Jakarta organized to celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Bandung Conference; while other major Asian powers such as Japan, China, Malaysia, India or South Korea developed their own political, economic and cultural platforms with African countries. Closing a clear research gap, this original study allows a better comprehension of this foreign policy shift and of Indonesia's contemporary foreign policy towards Africa within Global Africa Studies. For more pragmatism and flexibility, this qualitative research, notably based on in-depth interviews with Indonesian and African diplomats, uses an eclectic analysis allowing a holistic approach combining levels of analysis and types of factors; thus increasing explanatory power.

scholarly journals Indonesia’s African Foreign Policy Shift under President Jokowi

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christophe Dorigné-Thomson
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Explanatory Power ◽  
50Th Anniversary ◽  
Holistic Approach ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Economic Diplomacy ◽  
Policy Shift ◽  
Policy Priority ◽  
Political Economic

Under President Jokowi’s leadership, Indonesia seems to have made Africa a foreign policy priority. Previously bounded by Bandung romanticism and lacking understanding on the contemporary strategic importance of Africa, Indonesia finally launched its own Africa+1 forum in April 2018 in Bali, the Indonesia Africa Forum (IAF), following an economic diplomacy framework and will to do business with Africa. For Jokowi, Bandung should be leveraged to mean business. Indonesia had previously struggled to institutionalize Asia-Africa intercontinental multilateralism through the New Africa-Asia Strategic Partnership (NAASP) launched during the 2005 Asia Africa Summit in Jakarta organized to celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Bandung Conference; while other major Asian powers such as Japan, China, Malaysia, India or South Korea developed their own political, economic and cultural platforms with African countries. Closing a clear research gap, this original study allows a better comprehension of this foreign policy shift and of Indonesia's contemporary foreign policy towards Africa within Global Africa Studies. For more pragmatism and flexibility, this qualitative research, notably based on in-depth interviews with Indonesian and African diplomats, uses an eclectic analysis allowing a holistic approach combining levels of analysis and types of factors; thus increasing explanatory power.

scholarly journals A Teoria da Autonomia de Hélio Jaguaribe: um teste à luz da Política Externa Independente de Jânio Quadros (1961-1962)

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fábio Santino Bussmann
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Content Analysis ◽  
Research Program ◽  
Explanatory Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Theory Test

Esse artigo analisa o poder explicativo da Teoria da Autonomia de Hélio Jaguaribe em relação aos momentos indubitavelmente autônomos da Política Externa Brasileira (PEB). Isso foi feito mediante o estudo de caso, em forma de teste de teoria, da Política Externa Independente (PEI) do governo Jânio Quadros, que é representativa desses momentos. O estudo de caso foi realizado por meio da análise de conteúdo no programa de pesquisa Nvivo. O argumento resultante da análise realizada é o de que a Teoria da Autonomia tem o potencial de explicar de forma mais precisa e estruturada os momentos de autonomia da PEB do que arranjos conceituais usados atualmente no estudo dos referidos momentos da PEB, já que a PEI, de forma representativa, evidencia objetivos referenciados a uma visão estrutural-hierárquica do cenário internacional, no campo político-econômico.Palavras-chave: Teoria da Autonomia, Política Externa Independente, Política Externa Brasileira.ABSTRACT:This article analyzes the explanatory power of Helio Jaguaribe's Theory of Autonomy in relation to the undoubtedly autonomous moments of Brazilian Foreign Policy (BFP). This was done through a case study, in the form of a theory test, of the Independent Foreign Policy (IFP) of the Jânio Quadros government, which is representative of these moments. The case study was conducted through content analysis in the Nvivo research program. The argument resulting from the analysis is that the Autonomy Theory has the potential to explain in a more precise and structured way the moments of autonomy of the BFP than the conceptual arrangements currently used in the study of the referred moments of the BFP, since the IFP, in a representative way, shows objectives referenced to a structural-hierarchical vision of the international scenario, in the political-economic field.Keywords: Autonomy Theory, Independent Foreign Policy, Brazilian Foreign Policy.Recebido em: 29 jan. 2019 | Aceito em: 03 dez. 2019. 

African direction in the foreign policy of Brazil

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (11-1) ◽  
pp. 121-131
Author(s):  
Orlindo Dju ◽  
Johnatan Da Costa Santos ◽  
Darinka Brosovich Flores ◽  
Jorge Marko Calderon Verduga
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Present Stage ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Cultural Aspects ◽  
New Strategy ◽  
Political Economic

The article considers political, economic, social and cultural aspects of Brazilian-African cooperation at the end of the 20th century and at the beginning of the 21st century. At the present stage, after two decades of active development, Brazilian policy towards Africa has been losing momentum. Nowadays the cooperation between Brazil and African countries requires developing a new strategy.

TRENDS OF RESEARCH OF STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP (ASPECT OF MODERN HISTORY)

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vasyl Ostapiak ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Development ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
Global Level ◽  
Global Trends ◽  
International Partnership ◽  
Political Risks ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Impact

The article analyzes the multidimensionality of world politics, which requires global actors to search for conceptual forms of interaction to solve complex international processes, which contributes to deeper cooperation and creating special partnerships. The growing political, economic and military instability at the global level has led to the need for theoretical and practical renewal of foreign policy strategies, as well as for the development of effective mechanisms for collective cooperation. A comprehensive study of the conceptual and applied dimensions of strategic partnership, which is a special tool for aligning the foreign policy of global actors and at the same time serves as one of the effective types of international partnership, allows to take into account the growing political risks and identify ways to mitigate the effects of global destabilization on global actors, identify points of coordination for their strategic engagement and to offer programs of cooperation at the international, transregional and global level of forming partnerships. The strategic partnership of global actors at this stage is marked by the impact of global trends in international development, so the topic is examined through the transition from general to specific, taking into account the problems and processes of globalization that affect all participants in international relations, who are forced to seek optimal solutions for foreign policy issues.

Sadat and the Egyptian–Israeli Peace Revisited

1994 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ibrahim A. Karawan
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Explanatory Power ◽  
Personal Characteristics ◽  
The United States ◽  
Arab Country ◽  
Peace Treaty ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Policy Shift ◽  
Political Differences

With the resumption of the search for an Arab–Israeli settlement, analysts have been debating the factors that have frustrated it for so many years. The fact that one Arab country, namely Egypt, concluded a peace treaty with Israel almost a decade and a half ago led some to reexamine that case to see what made it possible. The available literature on Egypt's disengagement from the Arab–Israeli conflict has been voluminous, as many policy makers and analysts in Egypt, Israel, the rest of the Arab world, and the United States published their accounts of this development. Despite many ideological and political differences among these writers, they all concluded that this foreign-policy shift represented a radical alteration of Arab policies toward Israel and that with Egypt out of the war equation, the regional balance of power had changed dramatically. Many of them also emphasized the centrality of President Sadat's role in explaining Egypt's exit from the conflict with Israel. One or another of Sadat's personal characteristics has been singled out by his admirers and critics alike as being the main factor behind the Egyptian foreign-policy shift. It is not that they considered other factors such as socioeconomic variables and regional or global structures irrelevant. They simply assessed them as not decisive in terms of their relative explanatory power.

Foreign Policy Instruments and Factors for Policy Change: Japan’s Security ‘Normalisation’ Reconsidered

2010 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-306 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elena Atanassova-Cornelis
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Policy Instruments ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Economic Diplomacy ◽  
Security Environment ◽  
Strategic Policy ◽  
Policy Shift ◽  
The U.S

AbstractThis article addresses the question of Japan’s security ‘normalisation’ by examining from realist and liberal perspectives the foreign policy tools Japan has used to redefine its engagement with the outside world in the post-Cold War period. It also analyses the international and domestic factors, which have underpinned that redefinition. The article argues that while Japan is more willing to consider seemingly realist foreign policy instruments, namely by strengthening its defence posture and alliance with the U.S., Japan’s so-called ‘normalisation’ does not represent a strategic policy shift towards realism. Rather, it should be seen as a mature response to the changed regional security environment in East Asia, as well as a ‘product’ of particular domestic political dynamics in Japan, especially the emergence of conservative Koizumi-like politicians. Japan’s main foreign policy approach — most recently represented by Fukuda’s diplomacy — remains largely a liberal one and stresses the promotion of multilateralism, peaceful cooperation and economic diplomacy.

scholarly journals Behind and beyond Bandung: historical and forward-looking reflections on south-south cooperation

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10 ◽  
Author(s):  
N’Dri Therese Assie-Lumumba
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
African Descent ◽  
50Th Anniversary ◽  
The United States ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
Leadership Roles ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Common Humanity ◽  
Kwame Nkrumah

In their respective struggles for liberation the Asians and Africans, as oppressed people, joined forces in the first half of the 20th century by forming several pre-Bandung organizations. On the African side people of African descent, from the continent and the Diaspora, united to provide the leadership for substantive participation to the common African-Asian front that led to the Bandung conference of April 18-24 1955. The intelligentsia of African descent, including young students in Western Europe and the United States, played leadership roles in shaping the movements. Among them are W. E. B. Du Bois of the United States and Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana. In terms of the post-Bandung establishment of enduring legacies, it is worth indicating that the resolutions and some of their applications led to global coalitions including the Non-Aligned Movement and G77 within the United Nations. On the occasion of the 50th anniversary that was marked by the April 22-24 2005 Asian-African Summit held in Indonesia African and Asian leaders decided to rekindle the spirit of Bandung and renew their commitment to attain its goal through renewed cooperation between Asia and Africa in adopting the New Asian-African Strategic Partnership (NAASP). Despite the continued challenges that African countries face in varying degrees, a regained confidence building on their assets, especially with different generations of people of the continent and historic and recent Diaspora, with it would be possible to build a global front toward the reaffirmation of global common humanity guided by the spirit of Bandung.

scholarly journals PECULIARITIES OF STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP IN RELATIONS BETWEEN UKRAINE AND THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA

2018 ◽  
pp. 4-15
Author(s):  
S. But
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Mutual Recognition ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Interstate Relations ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Structural Weakness ◽  
Political Economic

The article is devoted to the analysis of relations between Ukraine and the People's Republic of China on the conformity of bilateral relations to the declared status of strategic partnership. The author notes that both states actively use the instrument of strategic partnership in foreign policy activities, while the Chinese practice is characterized by a more balanced approach. Key criteria for the analysis of interstate relations for its conformity to the strategic partnership are highlighted. The features of bilateral interaction in political, economic, military-technical and humanitarian spheres are shown. The author notes that the mutual recognition of the strategic nature of Ukrainian-Chinese interaction at the highest level, the existence of a normative-legal base and the mechanism of cooperation, the positive upward dynamics of bilateral contacts fully meet the criteria of strategic partnership. True, the political sphere, despite its impartial character and official declaration of support for territorial integrity by the parties to each other, is marked by the lack of coordination of positions among partners on international issues, which is of great importance in the context of Russian aggression against Ukraine. The economic aspect, despite the presence of mutual interest, is marked by a significant untapped potential, which is due to the structural weakness of Ukraine and its low position in the priorities of China's foreign policy in the post-Soviet space and CEE, in particular, given the great importance for China of relations with Russia, the absence of a comprehensive strategy in Ukrainian side for developing relations with the Middle Kingdom. The humanitarian direction is also characterized by a significant untapped potential. As a result, the author offers a number of recommendations on increasing the effectiveness of the implementation of the concept of strategic partnership in relations between Ukraine and China.

THE CONCEPT OF THE BALTIC-BLACK SEA ARC AND UKRAINIAN FOREIGN POLICY (1990 - EARLY 2000)

2020 ◽  
pp. 89-108
Author(s):  
Alexandr S. Levchenkov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Black Sea ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Caspian Region ◽  
Soviet Space ◽  
The Baltic ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Eastern Baltic ◽  
Post Soviet Space

The article analyzes the influence of the concepts of the Intermarium and the Baltic-Black Sea Arc on the formation of Ukraine’s foreign policy in 1990 – early 2000. The use of these concepts in American, European and Ukrainian geopolitical thought, which historically included the idea of opposing Russian influence in the region, contributed to the increase in tension and was aimed at further disintegration of the Western flank of the post-Soviet space. The article proves that the design of the Euro-Atlantic vector of Ukraine’s foreign policy was already active under the first two Ukrainian presidents – Leonid Kravchuk (1991–1994) and Leonid Kuchma (1994–2005). One of the concrete attempts to implement the idea of forming a common political, economic, transport and logistics space of the Black Sea-Caspian region with a promising expansion of the cooperation zone to the whole of Eastern Europe and the Eastern Baltic during the presidency of Leonid Kuchma was the foundation and launch of a new regional organization, Organization for Democracy and Economic Development, better known as GUAM (composed by the initial letters of names of member states – Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan, Moldova; when Uzbekistan was also a member of Organization for Democracy and Economic Development, the name of the organization was GUUAM), which is an alternative to Eurasian projects with the participation of Russia.

Prospects for the Development of Russian-African Cooperation in the Cultural and Humanitarian Sphere

2020 ◽  
pp. 5-14
Author(s):  
Olga Konstantinova
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
Russian Language ◽  
Cultural Relations ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Science And Culture ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Russian Education ◽  
Further Development ◽  
Russian Universities ◽  
The Russian Language

The relations between Russia and Africa today go to a new level. This was successfully demonstrated by the first Russia-Africa Summit. The «soft power» that is capable of creating an atmosphere of trust and mutual understanding and supporting the further development of political, economic, and cultural relations between the Russian and African peoples is of great importance for the further advancement of Russia’s interests, which is considered in this article. Currently, the «soft power» of Russia in Africa is represented by the activities of the Russian centers of science and culture, the «Russkiy Mir» Foundation, schools at the Russian Embassies in African countries, the education of Africans in Russian universities and more. However, the author concludes that Russia does not fully use «soft power» on the continent. It is necessary to increase the number of Africans studying the Russian language, to more actively promote Russian education, to involve compatriots and graduates of Soviet / Russian universities to joint projects, which will undoubtedly contribute to the further development of mutually beneficial Russian-African ties.

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