scholarly journals “The naturalized son of Belarus”: The Mystery of Dr. Dittmann

2021 ◽  
pp. 233-253
Author(s):  
Igor I. Barinov

The article examines the biography of Valentin Dittmann, a lawyer and politician of Baltic-German origin, who became a counselor of the Diplomatic Mission of the Belarusian People’s Republic (BNR) in Berlin. The German-language brochure “Weissruthenien” was published with Dittmann’s active involvement and was considered as the main source of information about this region in Germany for a long time. In a broader context, through the prism of Dittmann’s life and activities, the transformation of the system of ideas and motivations of former Imperial elites after the 1917 revolution became the subject of research. The desire to preserve and improve their social status during the political instability has significantly expanded the boundaries of imaginary. In particular, the elite representatives previously loyal to the throne could drastically change their views on the very idea of a “strong state”. From now on their position ranged from federalism to cooperation with those who were previously considered as “separatists”. On the example of Dittmann, we can follow the peculiar experience of the “homo impericus”, who strove to combine the elitist consciousness inherited from his ancestors with national democratic political views and local (Belo) russian patriotism.

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-77
Author(s):  
Kamau Wango

Artistic commemoration of leaders and other iconic personalities has been in existence for centuries. Statues in particular have been used as a fitting avenue for the commemoration of political leaders and other luminaries in many fields. The premise upon which statues are made is that the subjects featured initiated and attained, in their lifetimes, concrete achievements that significantly impacted upon the lives of their fellow human beings. Other criteria for commemoration include proven integrity, dedication and selflessness in the service of the country and citizens. Statues as an integral part of public art have often generated substantial controversy on various fronts in many countries. Some of these gravitate around issues such as disputed likeness, queries about the fundamental achievements cited of the subject, at times open protests on the actions, character and integrity of the subject as well as the location of the statues. Other areas of contention include the implication of the presence of statues upon the political psyche of the country and their long-time impact on history, the youth and posterity. This paper examines the extent to which African countries have embraced this mode of artistic rendition to commemorate African political leaders in a way that is commensurate to their achievements. It is outside the scope of this paper to delve into the intricate web of back-and-forth arguments about the ‘concreteness’ of the legacies of the featured leaders who are mainly founding political figures of the respective countries. The paper, however, analyses the artistic essence of the selected statues in terms of their visual impact and whether they are indeed useful in articulating the legacies of the subjects and further, whether they ultimately bear ‘enduring visual value’ that spurs conversation and insight into these legacies. Statues must, at the very least, spur debate and conversation into the legacy of the featured subject. It becomes a form of constant interrogation as history itself takes its course; controversy is not necessarily a negative occurrence since it forms part of this discourse. The concept of immortalization, which is what initiators of statues often hope for is much harder to achieve and difficult to define. The paper examines 20 statues of African political leaders in different African Countries.


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 95-99
Author(s):  
Бударина ◽  
Kseniya Budarina

The article examines the media´s ability to influence the process of forming political and civic culture of Russian youth. The author revealed the essence of the institute of the media and identified the main functional characteristics of the subject of the political process. The transformation of political values of the Russian youth is substantiated, as well as the instability of its political views in terms of mediatization and development of social media is considered. The priority of media activities is specified that affects the formation of political knowledge and attitudes of young people.


1916 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Benson Botts

English constitutional history, since the beginning of the political revolution in the seventeenth century, has been the subject of study of every civilized nation. This wide spread interest has resulted in a thorough search through English documents for every available source of information. There is however one field of English insitutuional history that has received little attention, that is the development of English vivil parish before the seventeenth century. The origin of the parish in both civil and ecclesiastical forms has recieved some notice from the older constitutional writers, and recently has been made the subject of special studies. The Elizabethan parish has been fully treated in the general works and in monographs dealing with special functions. However, no writer has attempted to trace the consecutive development of the civil parish from its origin to the heighth of its activity in the seventeenth century. This development is peculiarly important from the standpoint of the growth of English nationalism, yet is has been entirely overlooked. (1)


Author(s):  
I.A. Yedoshina

For the first time, the book by V. V. Rozanov «When the Bosses Are Gone ...» (1910) is the subject to analyze. The article notes the specificity of the book (a collection of articles), which received a genre status in the Russian culture of the late 19th and early 20th centuries: the book contains both previously published articles and the ones, which were rejected by editors. In addition to the genre affiliation, other features of this book are revealed; the article summarizes and defines the development of the author’s political views on contemporary events in the country, which he welcomed and encouraged in his literary word; Rozanov’s historiosophy is analyzed. The author of the article commented on the compositional structure of the collection, revealed the semantic links between the articles, as well as the basis that unites them – the essence of «authorities» as a specific phenomenon of Russian life. The synonymous series of «bosses» is suggested: «bureaucracy», «government», «power». The article identifies the sources of the problems of the «bosses»: these are the works of N.A. Lyubimov and Vl.S. Soloviev, with which V.V. Rozanov conducts internal dialogue, representing the «bosses» as a part of the political life in the country of 1901 1906 and noting the weakening of the authoritarian position. The book’s artistic layout is analyzed, the sources of replica drawings on the cover and at the end of the collection are established, and the relationship between these drawings and the book’s content is revealed. It is particularly noted that already in 1914 V.V. Rozanov felt remorse about the publication of this book, and in 1917 he came to realize the catastrophic consequences of the events that he had once been so happy about.


2020 ◽  
Vol 119 ◽  
pp. 171-180
Author(s):  
Radosław Grabowski ◽  
Ivan Halász

THE EVOLUTION OF THE HUNGARIAN MODEL OF JUDICIAL MANAGEMENT AND JUDICIAL SELF-GOVERNMENT IN HUNGARY IN THE YEARS 1989–2019The Hungarian constitutional system after 1989 was initially subject to evolutionary changes. The previously binding constitution was only amended, although in most countries of the region the new constitutions created new system concepts. This also concerned the organisation of the judiciary, which in Hungary for a long time remained under the influence of the doctrine formed in the time of the socialist state. Significant corrections in this respect did not take place until 1997, but the solutions and institutions created at that time — including judicial self-government — survived for only slightly more than a decade. The political parties that came to power in 2010 adopted a new Basic Law and made far-reaching transformations in the field of symbolism, constitutional principles and the system of constitutional organs. Both the scope of the changes and the way they were carried out provoked resistance from various environments, including judges, whose influence on the organisation of the judiciary and its functioning was significantly reduced. The dispute that occurred was the subject of debate throughout Europe, and the institutions of the Council of Europe and the European Union were involved in resolving it.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 442-456
Author(s):  
Margarita Bayutova ◽  
◽  

In the article the author considers the problem of using art as the political power instrument. The subject of the study is the analysis of applied arts possibilities as a means of political propaganda and agitation, the necessary qualities and political views formation in a person. The material for the analysis is the Soviet propaganda porcelain of the 1920s. The choice of this material is caused, firstly, by its great visibility in the framework of the discussed problem, and, secondly, by the negative result of its use in real politics (at first sight, paradoxical). At present, Soviet propaganda porcelain is considered to be a “unique phenomenon” of Russian and world art. However, the main reason for its appearance at the beginning of the 20th century was not the search for new art forms. After coming to power in 1917, the Bolshevists faced the need to form political views of the citizens that were compatible with the party course — in general, to form a “new man” capable of living in a new society. On the one hand, porcelain was a random choice at that period of time (1920-s) but, on the other hand, people assigned specific characteristics to it as a type of applied art. And, therefore, they ascribed to it the possibilities of an instrument of political power. But at the same time using it in that capacity is greatly limited due to other specific properties, as well as due to other historical circumstances. The main reason for the failure of Soviet propaganda porcelain as the political propaganda and agitation means is the contradiction between the course of political power and the essence of porcelain as a phenomenon, i.e. inconsistency between the goal and the means to achieve it. In general, the author draws a conclusion that there is a difference between the goals of art and power and, as a consequence, the groundlessness of the power attempts to consider art exclusively as its own tool.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 86-91
Author(s):  
Igor' A. Vinogradov

There is an unknown note by Nikolai Gogol in his pocket notebook. The reasons why it has remained unpublished for a long time are thoroughly highlighted. What is listed are similar – numerous – Nikolai Gogol’s texts of religious content, which also used to be inaccessible to the Soviet reader for a long time for ideological reasons. In the ninth volume of the academic Nikolai Gogol's Complete Works of 1937–1952, where a notebook was printed for the first time from an autograph, only one line in the notes was devoted to a note which had been entitled “To pray” by Nikolai Gogol himself. In addition to the title, the laconic information provided by the volume commentator Georgiy Fridlender, the content of Nikolai Gogol's recording was not disclosed in any way. In turn, the error made by the same commentator in the dating of the note is corrected. The data are given in favour of the fact that the record was made not in 1846, as the researcher believed, but three years earlier, in the summer of 1843. The connection of the 1843 note with the final religious-patriotic book of Nikolai Gogol "Selected Passages from Correspondence with Friends" 1846, as well as the invariability of the political views of the writer.


Author(s):  
Paweł Sobczak

In the article, I focuss on the theme of the political views of Jan Lechoń during his New York exile, which emerged in his literary work, letters, and Dziennik. The main elements of the political stance of the author of Srebrne i czarne were in that time: resolute anti-communism, critical assessment of the actions of the government in exile, his declared admiration for America, and a nostalgia for the interwar period (idealising Józef Piłsudski). The discussed views of the poet exerted a considerable influence on his personal life, which was proven by the politically motivated breaking off his long-time relations with Julian Tuwim. One important problem is where to locate Lechoń’s dissatisfaction with the political changes in Poland, which he stated often, within the reasons for his suicide.


1981 ◽  
Vol 20 (03) ◽  
pp. 169-173
Author(s):  
J. Wagner ◽  
G. Pfurtscheixer

The shape, latency and amplitude of changes in electrical brain activity related to a stimulus (Evoked Potential) depend both on the stimulus parameters and on the background EEG at the time of stimulation. An adaptive, learnable stimulation system is introduced, whereby the subject is stimulated (e.g. with light), whenever the EEG power is subthreshold and minimal. Additionally, the system is conceived in such a way that a certain number of stimuli could be given within a particular time interval. Related to this time criterion, the threshold specific for each subject is calculated at the beginning of the experiment (preprocessing) and adapted to the EEG power during the processing mode because of long-time fluctuations and trends in the EEG. The process of adaptation is directed by a table which contains the necessary correction numbers for the threshold. Experiences of the stimulation system are reflected in an automatic correction of this table. Because the corrected and improved table is stored after each experiment and is used as the starting table for the next experiment, the system >learns<. The system introduced here can be used both for evoked response studies and for alpha-feedback experiments.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-145
Author(s):  
İsmail Güllü

Yarım aşırı aşan bir geçmişe sahip Almanya’ya göç olgusu beraberinde önemli bir edebi birikimi (Migrantenliteratur) de getirmiştir. Farklı adlandırmalar ile anılan bu edebi birikim, kendi içinde de farklı renkleri de barındıran bir özelliğe sahiptir. Edebi yazını besleyen en önemli kaynaklardan biri toplumdur. Yazarın içinde yaşadığı toplumsal yapı ve problemler üstü kapalı veya açık bir şekilde onun yazılarına yansımaktadır. Bu bağlamda araştırma, 50’li yaşlarında Almanya’ya giden ve ömrünün sonuna kadar orada yaşayan, birçok edebi ve düşünsel çalışması ile Türk edebiyatında önemli bir isim olan Fakir Baykurt’un “Koca Ren” ve Yüksek Fırınlar” adlı romanları ile birlikte Duisburg Üçlemesi’nin son kitabı olan “Yarım Ekmek” romanında ele aldığı konu ve roman kahramanları üzerinden din ve gelenek olgusu sosyolojik bir yaklaşımla ele alınmaktadır. Toplumcu-gerçekçi çizgide yer alan yazarın, uzun yıllar yaşadığı Türkiye’deki siyasi ve ideolojik geçmişi bu romanda kullandığı dil ve kurguladığı kahramanlarda kendini göstermektedir. Romanda Almanya’nın Duisburg şehrinde yaşayan Türklerin yeni kültürel ortamda yaşadıkları çatışma, kültürel şok, arada kalmışlık, iki kültürlülük temaları ön plandadır. Yazar romanda sadece Almanya’daki Türkleri ele almamakta, aynı zamanda Türkiye ile hatta başka ülkeler ile de ilişkilendirmeler yaparak bireysel ve toplumsal konuları ele almaktadır. Araştırmada, romanda yer alan dini ve geleneksel unsurlar sosyolojik olarak analiz edilmiştir. Genel anlamda bir göç romanı olma özelliği yanında Yarım Ekmek romanında dini, siyasi ve ideolojik birçok yorum ve tartışma söz konusudur. Romandaki bu veriler, inanç, ritüel, siyaset ve toplumsal boyutlarda kategorize edilerek ele alınmıştır.  ENGLISH ABSTRACTReligion and identity reflections in literature of immigrant: Religion and Tradition in Fakir Baykurt’s novel Yarım EkmekThe immigration fact which has nearly half century in Germany have brought a significant literal accumulation (Migrantenliteratur) in its wake. This literal accumulation, which is named as several denominations, has a feature including different colours in itself. One of the most important source snourishing literature is society. Societal structure and problems that the writer lives inside, directly or indirectly reflect on his/her compositions. In this context, the matter of religion and tradition by way of the issue and fictious characters in the novel of Fakir Baykurt who went to Germany in her 50’s and lived in there till his death and who is a considerable name in Turkish literature with his several literal and intellectual workings; “Yarım Ekmek” which is the third novel of Duisburg Trilogy with “Koca Ren” and “Yüksek Fırınlar” are discussed sociologically in the study. The political and ideological past of the socialist realist lined writer in Turkey where he spent his life for a long time, manifest itself on the speech and fictious characters of novel. In the novel, themes of new Turks’ conflict, cultural shock, being in the middle, bi culturalism in their new cultural nature in Duisburg which is the city they live in. The writer not only deals with Turks in Germany but also personal and social subjects via comparing them to Turkey and even other countries. In the study, religious and traditional elements analyzed sociologically. Besides the speciality of being a migration novel in general, there are a lot of religious, political and ideological interpretations and discussions in the novel. These datum in the novel are examinated in the context of belief, ritual, politics and social categorisation. 


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