scholarly journals Privatizations Spark Socialist Backlash: Evidence from East Germany’s Transformation

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anselm Hager ◽  
Moritz Hennicke ◽  
Werner Krause ◽  
Lukas Mergele

The fall of the Berlin Wall marks one of the largest transformations of the 20th century. At its core, the year 1990 brought two new systems to Eastern Europe: capitalism and democracy. Yet, to this day, Eastern Europeans show distinctly negative attitudes toward the Western world order, and democratic and market institutions across the region are far from perfect. What explains this unsuccessful transformation? This paper points to the rushed privatization of East European economies as one plausible driver of citizens’ discontent with capitalism and democracy. Using micro-level data from East Germany, we show that firm privatizations led to a marked resurgence of the successor of the former Socialist Unity Party as early as 1994. We argue that this effect is likely due to perceived injustice: Socialist voting thrived whenever firms were sold to Western elites, which local residents took as a sign that capitalism is not meritocratic.

2011 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 116-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rajeev K. Goel ◽  
Christoph Grimpe
Keyword(s):  

2021 ◽  
pp. 001573252110122
Author(s):  
Rupa Chanda ◽  
Neha Vinod Betai

In June 2016, the United Kingdom took the world by surprise with the results of its referendum on whether to remain in the European Union (EU). With a 52% majority, the country decided to leave the bloc in which it had been a member since 1973. With this outcome began the long process of Brexit negotiations between UK and the EU. The UK officially ceased to be an EU member on 31 January 2020, with a transition period up to the end of 2020. The decision to leave the EU came on the back of rising bitterness among people. Membership in the EU was seen as expensive and not beneficial to the country. One of the major campaigning points of the leave camp was the issue of immigration. Given that free movement of people is an important part of being in the EU, the party argued that leaving the EU would help the country take back control of its borders. Immigration in the UK has been on the rise since the early 2000s. It shot up further with the accession of the eight East European economies into the EU. Figure 1 shows how, leading up to Brexit, immigration from the EU to the UK was constantly increasing. JEL Codes: F00, F30, F22, F23


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Connor Huff ◽  
Robert Schub

Abstract How does the design of military institutions affect who bears the costs of war? We answer this question by studying the transformative shift from segregated to integrated US military units during the Korean War. Combining new micro-level data on combat fatalities with archival data on the deployment and racial composition of military battalions, we show that Black and white soldiers died at similar rates under segregation. Qualitative and quantitative evidence provides one potential explanation for this counterintuitive null finding: acute battlefield concerns necessitated deploying military units wherever soldiers were needed, regardless of their race. We next argue that the mid-war racial integration of units, which tied the fates of soldiers more closely together, should not alter the relative fatality rates. The evidence is consistent with this expectation. Finally, while aggregate fatality rates were equal across races, segregation enabled short-term casualty discrepancies. Under segregation there were high casualty periods for white units followed by high casualty periods for Black units. Integration eliminated this variability. This research note highlights how enshrining segregationist policies within militaries creates permissive conditions for either commanders' choices, or the dictates and variability of conflict, to shape who bears war's costs.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 237802311881180 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan J. B. Mijs

In this figure I describe the long trend in popular belief in meritocracy across the Western world between 1930 and 2010. Studying trends in attitudes is limited by the paucity of survey data that can be compared across countries and over time. Here, I show how to complement survey waves with cohort-level data. Repeated surveys draw on a representative sample of the population to describe the typical beliefs held by citizens in a given country and period. Leveraging the fact that citizens surveyed in a given year were born in different time-periods allows for a comparison of beliefs across birth cohorts. The latter overlaps with the former, but considerably extends the time period covered by the data. Taken together, the two measures give a “triangulated” longitudinal record of popular belief in meritocracy. I find that in most countries, popular belief in meritocracy is (much) stronger for more recent periods and cohorts.


2020 ◽  
pp. 135481662094904
Author(s):  
Yang Yang ◽  
Nan Hua

Hotel guests are more likely to be targeted by criminals than local residents, and the hotel business is particularly vulnerable to various crimes. This study investigates whether guests prefer to stay at luxury hotels when in insecure neighborhoods to reduce the risk of victimization. Using monthly property-level data from 352 hotels between 2010 and 2014 in Houston, Texas, we estimate a series of econometric models to investigate the impact of crime. Results suggest that hotel class moderates the effect of crime on lodging performance, and high-end hotels are less influenced by crime incidents. For luxury hotels, this effect is further moderated by the lodging market structure of vicinity such that the effect is smaller for luxury hotels in a more concentrated market. Lastly, this study carefully addresses theoretical implications that confirm the routine activities theory framework as well as practical implications that suggest measures and strategies handling various impacts related to crime and hotel class studied herein.


2002 ◽  
Vol 170 ◽  
pp. 477-502
Author(s):  
John Garver

This is a fascinating book essential for anyone seeking to understand contemporary China–India relations. It presents in considerable detail and from a number of different perspectives the strategic vision of a coalition of China and India struggling in common to create a new world economic–political order in greater comport with the interests and values of the peoples of the non-Western world. This vision of Sino-Indian co-operation in building a new world order was posited as the desirable end-goal of the process of Sino-Indian rapprochement presided over by Indian Congress Party and Chinese leaders beginning in 1988.


Politeja ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (5(62)) ◽  
pp. 161-174
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Bryc

Russia attempts to revise a Western-led liberal world order. However, challenging the West seems to be a strategy aimed at improving Russia’s international standing. This strategy is undoubtedly ambiguous as Russia challenges the West, particularity the United States, and looks for a rapprochement at the same time.The Russian Federation abandoned the West in 2014 as a result of the annexation of the Crimean Peninsula what constituted breaking international law, andengagement into the war in the East Ukraine. Nevertheless, the milestone was not 2014, but 2008 when Russia had decided for the first time to use its militar yforce against Georgia and indirectly against the growing Western military and political presence in this post-Soviet republic. This game changer was hardly a surprise, because several signals of a desire to challenge the Western-led world order had appeared in the past at least twice in president Putin’s speeches in 2007 at Munich Security Conference and in 2014 during Valdai Club session in Sochi. This article seeks to provide a take in the discussion about the way Russia has been trying to reshape the post-Cold War order. This paper probes the notion that Russia has become a revisionist state trying to shape a post-Western world order. Besides, there are a few questions to be answered, first of all whether anti-Westernism is in fact its goal or rather an instrument in regaining more effective impact on international politics and how it may influence the post-ColdWar order despite its reduced political and economic potential.


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