The expert guide in spanish private universities: analysis of their presence and management for scientific knowledge transfer

2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
鬼谷 子

The guide of experts is a directory of researchers from an institution who are willing to collaborate with the media and allows journalists to locate them autonomously in a short time. It is a communication tool that optimizes the media projection of the organization's intellectual capital, increasing the visibility, branding, and organization's intellectual capital, increasing the visibility, brand, and reputation of the institution. For this reason, its presence and management in Spanish private universities are researched. The objectives are to ascertain their presence or absence from the guide; identify the reasons that have slowed down their digital implementation; analyze their location, type of format, and languages; research how an expert is located; analyze the curricular data offered by the researcher; reveal the curricular data offered by the expert, and make known the methods for contacting the specialist. The methodology is based on content analysis and the study period is from February to June 2020. The results indicate a poor presence, although they are always located in the press rooms and their format is usually digital (not in pdf), allowing the search by name-surname or specialty, mainly only in Spanish, offering little curricular information on the researchers and always allowing contact by telephone or institutional e-mail through both direct contact and contact mediated by the communication office. It concludes with an overview of its implementation and an identification of the dysfunctions and good practices detected for transferring scientific knowledge through this organizational tool.

1982 ◽  
Vol 11 (5) ◽  
pp. 19-23
Author(s):  
Duŝan Havliĉek

For a very short time in the spring of 1968, the Czechoslovak press and other media enjoyed a considerable measure of freedom hitherto unthinkable in a Soviet-style Communist dictatorship. With the ‘normalisation that followed the Soviet intervention in August of that year, the media returned safely into the hands of the Party, the supervision of the printed word as well as of radio and television being as rigorous today as it was in the Stalinist fifties. In a recently completed 164-page study. The Experience of Prague Spring 1968, the author — himself a Czech journalist now living in exile in Switzerland — analyses the role of the mass media in Czechoslovakia, showing how the ruling Communist Party controls them, and at the same time how that control was weakened and finally almost abolished during the period of liberalisation. This is an edited extract from his study. Dusan Havlicek was born in 1923 and joined the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia in 1942, during the Nazi occupation. Imprisoned for his underground work two years later, he took up journalism after the war and worked in the Institute of Theory and History of the Mass Media at Prague's Charles University. In 1968 he was appointed head of the press, radio and television department of the CP Central Committee. In 1969 he was sent as a CTK (Czechoslovak News Agency) correspondent to Geneva, where he asked for political asylum. He is the author of a number of works on the mass media.


MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Li Xiguang

The commercialization of meclia in China has cultivated a new journalism business model characterized with scandalization, sensationalization, exaggeration, oversimplification, highly opinionated news stories, one-sidedly reporting, fabrication and hate reporting, which have clone more harm than good to the public affairs. Today the Chinese journalists are more prey to the manipu/ation of the emotions of the audiences than being a faithful messenger for the public. Une/er such a media environment, in case of news events, particularly, during crisis, it is not the media being scared by the government. but the media itself is scaring the government into silence. The Chinese news media have grown so negative and so cynica/ that it has produced growing popular clistrust of the government and the government officials. Entering a freer but fearful commercially mediated society, the Chinese government is totally tmprepared in engaging the Chinese press effectively and has lost its ability for setting public agenda and shaping public opinions. 


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 145
Author(s):  
Jayamalathi Jayabalan ◽  
Magiswary Dorasamy ◽  
Murali Raman

Many private higher educational institutions (PHEI) are facing poor profitability, increased short term debts with under-resourced cash flow and insufficient funds that could lead to financial distress. To address the issues of ever-changing business environments and to deliver value propositions, PHEIs should focus on their intangible assets to increase their capabilities to achieve frugal open innovation. The objective of this paper is to investigate the challenges faced by private universities from the practitioners’ points of view and offer a practical solution. This paper also attempts to identify whether there is a need for any changes in business model or operations required by private universities to sustain their competitive advantage in the current environment. This study is exploratory in nature due to scarcity of past literature on frugal open innovation in PHEI context. Interviews were conducted with experienced practitioners to elicit their experience managing challenges in PHEI. As a result, this paper sheds light on the ability of PHEIs to formalize, capture, and leverage its intangible assets rather than only investing and managing tangible assets in order to achieve frugal open innovation. Frugal open innovation is the enabler for PHEI to focus on core functions, create closer integration with industry, local and international communities and promote greater efficiency in operations. This paper is novel because it seeks to contribute to the current debate in the literature, positioning frugal open innovation (FOI) within the sphere of intellectual capital research, through exploring the effect of intellectual capital on frugal innovation is mediated through the information technology capability. The result indicates that sales and operating planning (S&OP) can be panacea for the five main challenges faced by PHEI includes structural challenges, operational challenges, financial challenges, social challenges and technological challenges. We conclude that there is a role for intellectual capital to achieve FOI by influencing IT capabilities, thus warrants more research to fill this research gap.


1995 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 412-425 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guo-Qiang Zhang ◽  
Sidney Kraus

This content analysis of Chinese newspapers before and after the Tiananmen Square protest examines the symbolic representation of the Student Movement of 1989 in China. The study reveals that top leaders manipulated symbols given to the media and that these symbols rigorously highlighted the dominant ideology of the Chinese Communist Party and isolated the movement participants. Officials attempted to legitimize the military suppression of the movement. The press construction of public opinion echoed the hegemonic process created and maintained by the party structure.


1980 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 515-535 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fay Gadsden

This paper discusses the African press in Kenya in the years between 1945 and 1952. The growth of an extensive vernacular press was caused by the political frustrations suffered by Kenya's Africans and the political, social and ethnic divisions which separated them. The press can be divided into three major categories: moderate nationalist, regional vernacular and populist newspapers. The moderate nationalist newspapers were edited by members of the educated elite who campaigned for constitutional change and social reforms. The regional vernacular papers were concerned more with local than national issues. The populist press was edited by semi-educated men active in politics at the grassroots level who came to reject the moderate leadership. All these papers publicized the activities of the Kenya African Union and demanded an improvement in the political and social position of Africans in Kenya. But they also expressed the ethnic, political and social hostilities which divided their editors. The decline of moderate leadership was reflected in the closure of their newspapers. The radicals who seized power in K.A.U. in 1951 were supported by the populist press and began new newspapers in 1951 and 1952.Some of the African newspapers achieved quite large circulations, were distributed by agents throughout the towns of Kenya and attracted some advertising revenue. But they all suffered from lack of money and found it difficult to find and pay a printer, and they suffered also from the lack of experience of their editors. Many newspapers lasted only a short time. But throughout these years there were always a number of newspapers published. These were widely read and were politically influential. The populist press played a direct role in stimulating militant resistance. Government attempts to curb the African press and to replace it with government newspapers were not successful. Only in 1952 when a State of Emergency had been imposed and the government had assumed powers to refuse printing licences and to suppress newspapers could the African press be silenced.


2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
ROBERT SAMET

AbstractDespite recent attention to the relationship between the media and populist mobilisation in Latin America, there is a misfit between the everyday practices of journalists and the theoretical tools that we have for making sense of these practices. The objective of this article is to help reorient research on populism and the press in Latin America so that it better reflects the grounded practices and autochthonous norms of the region. To that end, I turn to the case of Venezuela, and a practice that has been largely escaped attention from scholars – the use of denuncias.


2021 ◽  
Vol 00 (00) ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Ana Balda

This article interrogates the reputation, prevalent to this day, of Balenciaga as being anti-advertising and anti-media, according to some of his contemporary journalists as well as some of his employees and clients. The study contextualizes Balenciaga in the framework of the influence of the fashion press and the reality of the French couture licensing business in the North American fashion market from 1937 to 1968, his years on the international scene. Based on the analysis of the issues of Vogue, Harper’s Bazaar and Women’s Wear Daily for the same period, the research demonstrates that the designer had not always been so scornful of the media. He really was a discreet man, but this does not mean he hated the press, as his designs often appeared in the most influential fashion magazines. The article argues that the negative view in the media’s perception of him was generalized after his veto to the press in January 1956 – a decision he took for business reasons – and was retroactively attributed to his entire professional life.


2021 ◽  
pp. 31-39
Author(s):  
Petar VODENICHAROV

The paper is provoked by the rejection and falsification of the messages of the Istanbul Convention in Bulgaria and other post-communist countries which caused a wave of homophobia. The author tries to prove that neither in the communist period nor in the post-communist period a real emancipation of women was achieved, the theme of homosexuality was a taboo (in the communist period), over-presented in the first decade of the transition and later stigmatize by the rise of the populist nationalistic discourse. During the communist period, the so called “Unions of the fighters against fascism” turned into the male clientelistic networks granted with many privileges and marginalizing female antifascists. The critical discourse analysis of the press (1976) reveals male dominance and silencing of women playing mostly a decorative role. After the democratic changes the same male actors (nomenclature and former state security officers) benefited from the privatization, but the so called “mugs” (wrestlers) presented the new masculinity in the media: women were extremely sexualized and the new femininity was presented by the prostitutes and the girls in the entertaining industry, the professional women were rarely mentioned. The second part of the paper is a gender analysis of the lexical and grammatical system of the Bulgarian language. The analysis of the dominating metaphors reveals the means of male dominance in the everyday speech. Although the Slav languages have morphemes to denote women’s professions the media discourse prefers the male forms as more prestigious. The definite article and the plural forms serve to emphasise the male forms and to provide their euphony.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-53
Author(s):  
Marlou Schrover ◽  
Tycho Walaardt

This article analyses newspaper coverage, government policies and policy practices during the 1956 Hungarian refugee crisis. There were surprisingly few differences between newspapers in the coverage of this refugee migration, and few changes over time. The role of the press was largely supportive of government policies, although the press did criticise the selection of refugees. According to official government guidelines, officials should not have selected, but in practice this is what they attempted to do. The refugees who arrived in the Netherlands did not live up to the image the press, in its supportive role, had created: there were too few freedom fighters, women and children. This article shows that the press had an influence because policy makers did make adjustments. However, in practice selection was not what the media assumed it was, and the corrections were not what the media had aimed for.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Dwyer ◽  
Olivier Arifon

Based on literature review and interviews with journalists, we argue that the BRICS countries are constructing a collective vision, guided by logics of recognition and of transformation. The production of discourse reaches its high point during the BRICS leaders’ summits. To go beyond analysis of the discourse revealed in the media, this article examines projects, thereby aiming to qualify and label the justificatory discourses, in order to develop an understanding of intentions. The BRICS countries have become a reference point as the press increasingly makes comparisons between these countries. The notion of recognition, present in the political elites, also appears as a part of the public imagination and in the press. The leaders too seek transformation. The first official multilateral institution founded by the BRICS countries was the New Development Bank. Current efforts indicate the development of common scientific and technological research initiatives and official support for the establishment of an innovative BRICS Network University. Initiatives will appear as these countries try to consolidate their position.


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