The African Press in Kenya, 1945–1952

1980 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 515-535 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fay Gadsden
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
African Union ◽  
Direct Role ◽  
State Of Emergency ◽  
Social Reforms ◽  
The Press ◽  
Grassroots Level ◽  
The Government ◽  
Short Time

This paper discusses the African press in Kenya in the years between 1945 and 1952. The growth of an extensive vernacular press was caused by the political frustrations suffered by Kenya's Africans and the political, social and ethnic divisions which separated them. The press can be divided into three major categories: moderate nationalist, regional vernacular and populist newspapers. The moderate nationalist newspapers were edited by members of the educated elite who campaigned for constitutional change and social reforms. The regional vernacular papers were concerned more with local than national issues. The populist press was edited by semi-educated men active in politics at the grassroots level who came to reject the moderate leadership. All these papers publicized the activities of the Kenya African Union and demanded an improvement in the political and social position of Africans in Kenya. But they also expressed the ethnic, political and social hostilities which divided their editors. The decline of moderate leadership was reflected in the closure of their newspapers. The radicals who seized power in K.A.U. in 1951 were supported by the populist press and began new newspapers in 1951 and 1952.Some of the African newspapers achieved quite large circulations, were distributed by agents throughout the towns of Kenya and attracted some advertising revenue. But they all suffered from lack of money and found it difficult to find and pay a printer, and they suffered also from the lack of experience of their editors. Many newspapers lasted only a short time. But throughout these years there were always a number of newspapers published. These were widely read and were politically influential. The populist press played a direct role in stimulating militant resistance. Government attempts to curb the African press and to replace it with government newspapers were not successful. Only in 1952 when a State of Emergency had been imposed and the government had assumed powers to refuse printing licences and to suppress newspapers could the African press be silenced.

scholarly journals New phenomena and trends in Chilean politics

2019 ◽  
pp. 12-15
Author(s):  
L. V. Diyakova
Keyword(s):  
Political Crisis ◽  
Social Expectations ◽  
Main Attention ◽  
State Of Emergency ◽  
Social Reforms ◽  
Unsuccessful Attempt ◽  
The Government ◽  
Leftist Party ◽  
The Right ◽  
New Phenomena

The article analyzes new phenomena and trends in Chilean politics, the results of the first period of activity of the center-right government ofS. Pinera, who came to power in 2018. The main attention is paid to the analysis of contradictory initiatives of the government aimed at increasing economic efficiency at the expense of social expectations. It is noted that the greatest risks are associated with the deepening crisis in relations between the government and society, the activation of the radical protest movement caused by the unsuccessful attempt to raise prices for the subway. This measure led to mass youth protests in October 2019, clashes with police and the imposition of a state of emergency, which was accompanied by an appeal of the government to help of the army. The result of the severe political crisis was the resignation of the Cabinet and the announcement of a new package of social reforms. Among the new political phenomena, the author also highlights the decline of traditional center-left, the collapse of the coalition New majority, the beginning of the institutionalization of leftist party alternative to the official center-left, and strengthening the ultra-conservative wing on the right flank.

scholarly journals Russian Liberal of the Beginning of the 20th Century in Politics

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 28-43
Author(s):  
F. A. Gayada
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Political Experience ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Short Time

The article examines the political views and practices of Russian liberals in the early twentieth century. Russia’s political destiny of this period directly depended on building constructive relations between the authorities and society. Liberal ideas had a significant impact on the educated public. At the same time, the constructive cooperation between the liberals and the government was the most important condition for the possibility of application of these ideas in domestic political practice. The article examines the political experience of the two largest liberal political parties in Russia – the Cadets and the Octobrists. The author comes to the conclusion that the Russian liberal politician of the early twentieth century could not get out of the role of an idealist oppositionist. He was incapable of recognizing the existing realities and the need for political compromises, which were often perceived as a sign of impotence or immorality. The liberals perceived themselves as the only force capable of bringing Russia to the right, «civilized» path. In the opinion of the liberals, this path was inevitable, therefore, under any circumstances, the liberal movement should have retained its leading role. In the spring of 1917, the liberal opposition was able to defeat its historical enemy (autocracy), but retained power for a very short time. The slaughter of the state machine, which the liberals themselves did not intend to preserve, led them to defeat. Thus, the state was the only guarantor of the existence of a liberal movement in Russia. 

scholarly journals THE DISCOMFORT OF THE JULY MONARCHY WITH DAUMIER’S GARGANTUA

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (49) ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
July Monarchy ◽  
The Press ◽  
Fine Penalty ◽  
Before And After ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Honore Daumier

Gargantua, a lithograph created by Honoré Daumier in 1831, portrayed the French king Louis-Philippe as a gluttonous giant who devours the labor of his people while sitting in a toilet-like throne, and attacked the king’s person and his government with a satirical manner. Apart from its portrayal of the king as a social cannibal, Gargantua also had a scatological humor by representing the king in defecating. For this reason, this lithograph was by no means tolerated by the July Monarchy that struggled to control over the press by censorship throughout its reign. In this research paper that aims to study the meanings and reasons behind Daumier’s portrayal of king Louis-Philippe as a ravenous giant in Gargantua, it will be discussed why this caricature, which the government both censored and sentenced Daumier to imprisonment and fine penalty, discomforted the king and his government so much. In this context, it will be briefly reviewed the political, economic and social conditions in France before and after the 1830 July Revolution in order to get a better understanding on the political atmosphere during the time when Daumier started to draw satirical caricatures for the journal, La Caricature. Later, it will be discussed Gargantua’s literary references, its implications to king Louis-Philippe and his government, the domestic politics in 1831, and the impact of lithography on increasing power of the press in France. Keywords: Honoré Daumier, Gargantua, lithography, political caricature, printmaking

scholarly journals A Theoretic Perspective on Critical Communications, Mass Media and Effectual Democracy in Nigeria

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (8) ◽  
pp. 82
Author(s):  
Aaron Ola Ogundiwin ◽  
Joel N. Nwachukwu ◽  
Funminiyi Jacob Babajide
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
X Rays ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Mass Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Inclusive Governance

In contemporary times, democracy has become the political buzzword and, indeed, the basic acceptable form of government with the emergence of liberalism which links democracy with freedom, consent, and political and legal equality. The mass media – which include newspapers, radio and television – play a prominent role in governance and democratic sustainability of any state. In fact, it is a truism that the media serve as the watchdog of governmental activities, ensuring that quality information with which the governed can hold their leaders accountable is made available. The mass media were actively involved in the struggles against colonialism and military rule, as well as the eventual restoration of democratic government in Nigeria. However, in Nigeria, the mass media are fast becoming a pawn in the hands of the government and party in power in particular, and are found in conspiracy with the political elite class in general. This article takes on the contributions of the mass media to effectual democracy in Nigeria. Using agenda setting theoretical framework, it x-rays the effectiveness and shortcomings of the media in delivering on its mandate as the fourth estate of the realm towards ensuring that democratic practices in Nigeria produce the intended result of promoting good and inclusive governance. The paper adopts qualitative research design with data drawn from secondary sources only. It equally uses descriptive and content data analysis. It is found that the mass media have indeed been the middlemen in entrenching democracy in Nigeria but these efforts are being undermined by pecuniary, ownership, political and structural-institutional influences. It is concluded that while the mass media strive to ensure the general inclusion of the populace in the process of governing which fulfills a core democratic tenet, they can do more to overcome the challenges. Among other things, this paper recommends that the government should be deliberate in guaranteeing the freedom of the press to allow for free transmission of information between the government and the people without fear or favour, and likewise, the press should be professional, objective, critical and independent in their reportage, embracing the virtue of investigative journalism.

Introduction

2019 ◽  
pp. 485-488
Keyword(s):  
Rapid Expansion ◽  
The Political ◽  
Charles Kingsley ◽  
Periodical Press ◽  
Social Reforms ◽  
Women Journalists ◽  
Political Debates ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Press ◽  
Political Realm

IN 1869, CHARLES KINGSLEY wrote a review of John Stuart Mill’s The Subjection of Women for Macmillan’s Magazine, praising its message about women’s fitness for participation in the political realm. He notes, ‘What women have done for the social reforms of the last forty years is known, or ought to be known, to all…. Who will say that Mrs Fry, or Miss Nightingale, or Miss Burdett Coutts, is not as fit to demand pledges of a candidate and the hustings on important social questions as any male elector?’ (Oct 1869: 558). In this way, he provided support for Mill’s argument in favour of women’s enfranchisement while at the same drawing attention to their ongoing influence in discussions of social and political questions – as recounted in and facilitated by the periodical press. Indeed, by 1869 women had been contributing to political discourse for many years, due largely to the convention of anonymity in most periodicals and newspapers. Hidden behind the ‘editorial we,’ women journalists did not have to write from gendered subject positions. The rapid expansion of the press during the same period, facilitated by advances in printing technology and reductions in the taxes on print, provided women with increased opportunities to enter the profession and contribute to political debates....

Propaganda and Journalism

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mira Sotirovic
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
News Media ◽  
Large Degree ◽  
American People ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political World ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Government ◽  
American Society

Journalism defined itself as a profession in opposition to sensationalism and propaganda at the beginning of the 20th century. The American Society of News Editors statement of principles was written to codify “sound practice and just aspirations” of journalism after the public learned how the press was complicit in misinforming and deceiving the American people during World War I. As part of a massive propaganda campaign to win support for the war, the government fed false information and misleading stories to the press to make the public see the war as they desired it to be seen. Most definitions of propaganda converge toward the idea of organized influence on group attitudes through manipulation of symbols for a desired purpose of propagandist. The ASNE 1923 statement of principles clearly differentiated journalism from propaganda by its processes (to inform and scrutinize) and its purpose (to hold power accountable). However, many times since then the news media have been often accused of unintentionally becoming one of the most effective vehicles of political propaganda. Journalism’s proximity to the political world, and at the same time its obligation to bring independent and impartial scrutiny to that world, creates a set of contradictions and opens cracks where propaganda can get a foothold. In the political world, truth is to a large degree subjective and irreducible to facts. Journalistic practices that equate truth to a collection of facts, without questioning of why these particular facts are chosen and how they are presented, introduce various biases that amount to propaganda. Subtle suggestions based on facts, and faulty interpretations that do not follow from facts make propaganda truly dangerous because it is hidden behind ideologies of a free and objective press. With the growing mastery of media technology, propaganda is becoming an even more formidable force, perhaps easier to detect but more difficult to combat.

scholarly journals Police Department and Press Censorship in the First Pahlavi Era

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (11) ◽  
pp. 54
Author(s):  
Mehdi Asadi ◽  
Foad Pour Arian ◽  
Hussein Abadian ◽  
Mohammad Hasan Raz Nahan
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Analytical Method ◽  
Political System ◽  
Police Department ◽  
The Political ◽  
Police Chiefs ◽  
Government Programs ◽  
Common View ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Government

<p>The press as the most important mass media and as a tool for directing public opinion in the First Pahlavi Era faced many ups and downs. Alteration in the political system, the tendency toward dictatorship government and the implementation of pseudo-modernist programs affect the existence of press. In this period, the press had to write in congruence and in sync with the government programs, otherwise they were no longer survival. The synchronization of press with the government programs and the censorship of public opinion, against the government were entrusted to the Police Department. The press censorship, contrary to common view, was not done in a systematic and specified framework and structure and, depending on the King’s view, the civilian statesmen, staffs and police chiefs were different. The present article tries to analyze the way of implementation of censorship policy and the extent of penetration and interference of police department in this case through using descriptive and analytical method.</p>

Teaching Citizenship to the Filipinos by Local Self-Government

1924 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 285-295
Author(s):  
O. Garfield Jones
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York City ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
The Political ◽  
Spanish American ◽  
Spanish American War ◽  
The Government ◽  
Short Time ◽  
Secretary Of War ◽  
Scientific Treatment

At the close of the Spanish-American War President McKinley sent word to a lawyer in New York City that he wanted him to be secretary of war. The lawyer sent word back to the President that he knew nothing about the army. The President replied that he had plenty of officers to look after the army, but for secretary of war he wanted a man who could work out a system for the government of our insular possessions. The lawyer accepted the cabinet position and in a short time the new secretary of war formulated the now famous McKinley Instructions to the second Philippine commission, and thereby established the policy for the government of the Philippine Islands. Twenty-two years of development under this policy bear testimony to the political genius and high statesmanship of Elihu Root.The gist of this policy was that we should train the Filipinos to govern themselves. The task set for this paper is to explain the part played by the local governments in training the Filipinos for self-government. Any discussion of autonomy for the insular government must necessarily be mere academic speculation unless the parties to the discussion have some comprehension of the progress achieved in training the Filipinos for self-government in local affairs. And certainly there has been no scientific treatment of the local government side of our Philippine policy in the innumerable books and articles published in America on the Philippine problem.

‘I feel bound to serve’: The War Cabinet, April 1918 – January 1919

1995 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 83-101
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Early Spring ◽  
Golf Ball ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

By the early spring of 1918 Chamberlain's return to the government represented an increasingly attractive proposition for the Prime Minister. Chamberlain's stock had certainly risen substantially since his attacks upon the influence of the press lords in February and March. In some quarters he was already perceived ta be ‘the alternative Prime Minister, if by some mischance Lloyd George were to be killed by a golf-ball’. As the Irish problem forced itself back to the top of the political agenda there were also obvious dangers in leaving him on the backbenches as a focus for Unionist discontent – particularly as he was known to hold strong views on the need to extend conscription to Ireland. Thus, when the crisis over the proposal to link Home Rule and conscription broke in early April, Lloyd George finally resolved that he should be offered office. To this end, on 9 April Law was despatched to invite Chamberlain to join the War Cabinet. Despite his own ambivalence towards Lloyd George's character and a continued concern about the influence of the press lords, Chamberlain was also predisposed to return to office: a position reinforced by the military crisis created by Ludendorff's massive offensive on 21 March.

scholarly journals PEMBREDELAN SURAT KABAR PIKIRAN RAKJAT TAHUN 1965

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 103
Author(s):  
Trisna Awaludin Harisman ◽  
Raden Muhammad Mulyadi ◽  
Widyo Nugrahanto
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Historical Research ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
West Java ◽  
Political World ◽  
The Press ◽  
Show Evidence ◽  
The Government ◽  
In The Beginning

Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui latar belakang pembredelan surat kabar Pikiran Rakjat pada 1965 setelah munculnya peraturan bagi pers untuk berafiliasi dengan partai atau organisasi politik tertentu. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian sejarah kritis yang terdiri dari empat tahapan kerja: heuristik, kritik sumber, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa pada awal tahun 1965, kegiatan pers surat kabar Pikiran Rakjat sempat diberhentikan oleh pemerintah disebabkan terlambatnya surat kabar ini untuk terlibat dalam aktivitas politik. Pada 24 Maret 1966 atas dorongan Pangdam Siliwangi para wartawan yang di wakili Sakti Alamsyah sepakat untuk melakukan kerjasama untuk menerbitkan surat kabar Angkatan Bersenjata Edisi Jawa Barat. Belum setahun surat kabar ini terbit, Kementeriaan Penerangan mencabut kembali peraturan tentang afialiasi dalam dunia politik. Kondisi ini menyebabkan pada 24 Maret 1967 surat kabar Angkatan Bersenjata Edisi Jawa Barat berubah nama menjadi Harian Umum Pikiran Rakjat dibawah pemimpin umum redaksi yaitu Sakti Alamsyah.    The purpose of this study is to determine the background to the banning of the Pikiran Rakjat Newspaper in 1965. The ban came after the government issued a regulation of requiring the press to be affiliated with certain political parties or organizations. This study uses a critical historical research method consisting of four stages of work, namely heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The results of this study show evidence that in the beginning of 1965 the government banned the newspaper because it was considered too late to engage in political activity. At the instigation of Commander of Military Regional Command/Siliwangi, it was on 24 March 1966 that journalists represented by Sakti Alamsyah agreed to cooperate in publishing Angkatan Bersenjata Newspaper West Java edition. However, when it was not yet a year old, the Ministry of Information revoked the regulations on obligating the press to affiliate with the political world. It was on March 24, 1967 that Angkatan Bersenjata Newspaper West Java edition consequently changed its name to Harian Umum Pikiran Rakjat and was operated under the editor-in-chief Sakti Alamsyah.

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