Perceptions of Political Deviants: A Lay Theory of Subjective Group Dynamics

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danica Kulibert ◽  
Aaron J Moss ◽  
Jacob Appleby ◽  
Laurie O'Brien
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Group Dynamics ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Group Norms ◽  
Political Candidates ◽  
Lay Theory ◽  
Lay Understanding

People who deviate from group norms pose problems for their ingroup, but not all forms are deviance are equivalent. Four experiments (N=1,063) investigated whether people hold a lay understanding of these subjective group dynamics by assessing people’s beliefs about how others would perceive two types of deviants within U.S. political parties—political moderates and extremes. Participants thought both Democrats (Experiment 1) and Republicans (Experiment 2) would view moderate political candidates more negatively (e.g., less loyal, less principled, less typical, and more likely to defect) than extreme candidates. Moreover, these relatively negative evaluations of moderates extended to rank and file members of the Democratic (Experiment 3) and Republican (Experiment 4) Parties. These findings suggest that people intuitively understand subjective group dynamics and, when applied to politics, this understanding may have important consequences for how people with moderate and extreme beliefs engage in political discourse.

scholarly journals Means of discourse manipulations in political party programs in Spain

2014 ◽  
pp. 270-276
Author(s):  
I. V. Smirnova
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
External Information ◽  
The Political ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Independent Form ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Political Agitation ◽  
Written Form

Thanks to different mass media sources, members of any society are well aware of political developments and events and politicians. Every person has his or her own formed political beliefs and affirmations, interpreters other people's actions during political developments and evaluates events that take place. Political forces, in turn, see a person (a potential elector) as an object of external information influence. This lets them use political communication when competing for the power. In the modern democratic society this competition is carried out via parliamentarian debates, politicians' speeches, examining political parties' programs, political agitation and voting. General audience-oriented political discourse implements its function of political information influence. As the goal of any political party's program (as an independent form of text in the system of political discourse) is to win the elections and come to power, thus the audience influence function is one of the most fundamental and serve as the basis for the text. The text of a program itself is characterized by its persuasive orientation towards the audience, which reveal itself in such methods as convincing, argumentation, manipulation and evaluation. All the political programs pertain to parties which are at the power or which are in opposition. The main characteristic of oppositional programs is the criticism of the power, vice versa, the dominant party's programs confirm the correctness of their policy. All the political programs are multi-authored. The written form of any political program lets put into practice a detailed text analysis. This article presents the analysis of the texts of two leading Spanish political parties (the Spanish socialist worker's party and the people's party of Spain).

scholarly journals SMART LOCKDOWN STRATEGY, SECOND AND THIRD WAVES OF COVID-19 IN PAKISTAN: A POLITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 919-930
Author(s):  
Hanan Afzal ◽  
Masroor Sibtain ◽  
Zafar Iqbal ◽  
Hina Saleem
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Sampling Technique ◽  
Political Campaigns ◽  
The Political ◽  
Senate Elections ◽  
Political Events ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Gilgit Baltistan

Purpose: The present study investigates the violations of SOPs regarding the spread of COVID19 during the political processional campaigns in the Gilgit Baltistan and Senate elections in Pakistan held just before the second and third waves of COVID-19. For instance, during the first wave Pakistani government employed a smart lockdown along with persuasive awareness campaign. However, in the second and third waves, it seemed that SOPs were not influential due to violations by politicians themselves. Method: The researchers analyze the journalistic text both verbal and pictorial by employing the qualitative and interpretive paradigm to understand the policies and strategies of political parties in their political gatherings. Data regarding political campaigns have been collected from the print media through the purposive sampling technique. The secondary data has been collected from various research publications to establish the background. Main Findings: The study analyzed political response to COVID-19 SOPs on the part of Pakistani political parties during the political campaigns in Gilgit Baltistan and senate elections. Referent pictures (see Figures), taken from authentic, official newspaper websites, showed that during ‘Political congregations and rallies’, individuals and politicians attended the events without requiring social distance and masks. Both the opposition and ruling party and their workers have taken approximately equal parts to violate the SOPs to gain political gains and benefits. Application of the Study: The study suggests that the political parties would not conduct these types of political events that cause the spread of the virus, especially when it is considered a worldwide pandemic. The study would be both socially and politically beneficial for the organizations and groups to learn how a pandemic may affect the masses if precautionary measures are not followed adequately. The Originality of the Study: According to the researchers' best knowledge, the research gap of the present study is contemporary and innovative, i.e., integrating the conceptual model of political discourse with political events.

One message, many tongues

2007 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-248 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tunde Olusola Opeibi
Keyword(s):  
Political Discourse ◽  
Relevant Literature ◽  
Political Advertising ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Political Candidates ◽  
Political Messages ◽  
Code Mixing ◽  
Discourse Strategies ◽  
Accommodation Theory ◽  
Presidential Election Campaign

The essay sets off by arguing that since the 1950s, there has been a growing enthusiasm in political advertising discourse. This was because political advertising became prominent as an effective communicative and publicity tool in the 1952 U.S. presidential election campaign when Dwight D. Eisenhower deployed its instruments to win the most prestigious and highest political post in the U.S. (Reece 2003). Since that time, several rhetorical strategies have been adopted by politicians all over the world to cast and communicate political messages to their various audiences. Most previous research efforts appear to be in the monolingual or L1 settings (e.g. Chilton and Schäffner 1997; Obeng 1997). In this study, we examine how Nigerian politicians demonstrate their bilingual creativity in an innovative manner, employing linguistic facilities to publicise and sell their political programmes, especially in the use of media multilingualism, a novel persuasive strategy that has come to characterise political campaign texts. Specifically, we consider this recent phenomenon in Nigerian political discourse in which political candidates ‘marry’ and exploit the resources of both the exogenous (English) and indigenous languages (and sometimes along with pidgin) in the same campaign texts in order to woo voters. So the term ‘media multilingualism’ here is taken to be the variety of code-mixing and codeswitching in written political texts. The paper thus examines inter/intrasententially code-mixed facts found in the written campaign texts and discusses their functional implications especially as part of the discourse strategies deployed by the politicians to elicit support and woo voters to support their candidatures. Relevant literature on codeswitching and theories (e.g. Speech Accommodation Theory) that provide theoretical underpinning for the study are reviewed. An attempt is also made to demonstrate that codeswitching in political discourse is an interpersonal strategy that can be used to create, strengthen or destroy interpersonal boundaries, and thus it functions as a discourse strategy for pragmatic and strategic purposes (Wei 2003). The framework for analysis follows the insights provided in Rational Choice Models (RC) as seen in the works of Myers-Scotton (1993), Myers-Scotton and Agnes Bolonyai (2001) and Wei (2003). The essay concludes by presenting a summary of some important analytical observations that arose from the study. It also suggests that a similar pattern is bound to occur in political discourse found in other L2 contexts. The data set for this work came from selected political texts produced during the 2003 governorship and presidential elections campaigns in Nigeria and sourced from selected Nigerian national newspapers.

The Promulgation

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Kyle Day
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
National Response ◽  
The Media

Chapter Six narrates the Southern Congressional Delegation’s promulgation of the Declaration of Constitutional Principles, popularly known as the Southern Manifesto. Led by Sen. Walter George of Georgia and U.S. Rep. Howard Smith of Virginia, the Southern Manifesto produced a widespread national reaction the permeated every aspect of the American political discourse. From both national political parties, the media, and civil rights leaders themselves, this chapter assesses the national response, and its consequences for the legal fight for civil rights in the Hall of Congress, the President’s enforcement of Brown, and the struggle for eual citizenship for all Americans.

scholarly journals Gender Stereotyping of Political Candidates

2007 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Toril Aalberg ◽  
Anders Todal Jenssen
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Communication Skills ◽  
Gender Stereotyping ◽  
Political Candidates ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Political Preferences ◽  
Male Part ◽  
Political Speeches ◽  
Female Audience ◽  
The Welfare State

Abstract Electoral research has demonstrated how men and women sometimes have different political preferences. Men are typically thought to be more concerned about taxation, business policies, etc., while women care more about issues related to the welfare state. Thus, it seems obvious that stereotyping influences candidate evaluation with regard to issue competence. In this article, we investigate whether stereotyping also influences how the electorate views the communication skills of the candidates. We ask whether the gender of politicians affects the way citizens evaluate various aspects of the qualities of a political speech, and thus their support for political parties. The experiment used in this study is based on a pre- and post-stimuli questionnaire. Stimuli are videotapes of genuine political speeches (originally given by party leaders in October 2000) performed for the experiment by one female and one male actor. Our main finding is that the male “politician” was believed to be more knowledgeable, trustworthy and convincing than the female “politician” even though they presented the same speech verbatim. These differences in scores were the result of the male part of the audience consistently rating the female lower and the male higher than did the females in the audience. Among the female audience, the two politicians received almost identical scores on all traits. The candidate’s popularity and the popularity of the candidate’s party were also affected by the gender of the politician who performed the speech.

The Lost World of Gilded Age Politics

2002 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
Worth Robert Miller
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Monetary Policy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
American Politics ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Gilded Age ◽  
Common People ◽  
Corporate Influence ◽  
Racial Background ◽  
Sex Scandals

The rambunctious world of Gilded Age politics, with its boisterous partisan rallies and three-hour long declamations on the finer points of tariff schedules and monetary policy, passed from the scene of American politics rather abruptly about a century ago. Despite its superficial similarities with politics today — sex scandals, corporate influence, and partisan gridlock in Washington — the spirit and substance of Gilded Age politics was quite different from political discourse today. Politics was a national obsession to nineteenth century Americans. Partisanship was open and vigorous because common people believed the issues were important and political parties represented divergent viewpoints. Men (and in a few places women) of every ethnic and racial background, and from every walk of life, overwhelmingly participated in America's democratic experiment. This made Gilded Age politicians some of the greatest heroes and villains of the era.

scholarly journals Natural Language Processing for the Analysis of the Political Characterisation of Migration in the Croatian Political Discourse

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 517-532
Author(s):  
Gabriele De Luca ◽  
Marko Beck
Keyword(s):  
Machine Learning ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Language Processing ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Research Process ◽  
Learning System ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
Political Analysis ◽  
Minority Party

This paper tackles the issue of analyst bias in performance of comparative political analyses on political discourse, by leveraging data and machine-learning over human prior knowledge. The case studied is characterization of the issue of migration in the Croatian political discourse, which was chosen arbitrarily. We developed a machine-learning system that identifies most prominent features in the Croatian political discourse, with regards to migration and were interested solo in comparative political analysis in political science. This system does not rely on human judgement on the part of the researchers, and can be thus considered to be “objective”, short of possible sampling or selection bias. It is replicable. If provided, the same dataset and algorithm used, same conclusions should be reached by any scientist. This result was achieved by creating a text corpus from news items and press releases extracted from the websites of Croatian political parties currently represented in the Parliament. Available and collected data consist of public announcements mainly from IDS (Istarski Demokratski Sabor / Istrian Democratic Assambly), SDSS (Samostalna Demokratska Srpska Stranka / Independed Democratic Serb Party) and HSLS (Hrvatska Socijalno Liberalna Stranka / Croatian Social Liberal Party). Data analyzed suggests three dominant phrases of the research process. All political parties had similar political stand towards pointed out issues. Three most significant phrases were determined. First phrase is related to words “Demography” and “Reduction” and finding suggest that most analyzed articles relates towards migration of Croatian citizens in connection to economic hardships of some kind. Phrase two is related to words “Border” and “Croatia-Serbia” which strongly indicates relation to migration and is related towards inter-Balkan migration, mostly connected with consequences of the Croatian War of Independence from 1990’s, and is of most interest to SDSS, a Serb minority party in Croatia. Phrase three is related towards Marrakesh Agreement (Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration), where most of analyzed data shows that parties have a constructive but ambivalent stance towards migration from the third countries. Research conducted on available data, shows that wide spread international migration is not in the focus of most Croatian political parties, while topics and interest for inter-Balkan and Croatian economic/political migration dominates Croatian political spectre

scholarly journals The Memory of Communist Poland in the Third Polish Republic. A Tentative Systematisation

2016 ◽  
pp. 37-53
Author(s):  
Jerzy Łazor ◽  
Wojciech Morawski
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Collective Memory ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
The Other ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Third ◽  
Communist System ◽  
Veteran Status ◽  
The One

The political discourse in Poland in the final years before the fall of communism in 1989, was based on a strong opposition between the authorities and the rest of society. Even then, however, support for the opposition was not unanimous, and it was even less so in previous years. Most Poles considered the communist system forced, exogenous, oppressive, unacceptable, and supported by the Soviet threat. Still, individual reactions were varied: there were different paths to be taken through communism. The authors of the paper discuss how these paths contributed to differing recollections of the period. They focus on the collective memory of political parties and politicians, particularly on the controversial question of collaborating with the communist regime and the rights to veteran status among the former opposition members. It is a story of two types of memory: the one stressing reconciliation and the other pushing the distinction between former regime representatives and democratic opposition members

scholarly journals The Winning of the Partai Aceh in a Psychological Political Approach

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. PROOFREAD
Author(s):  
Mukhrijal Mukhrijal ◽  
Saddam Rassanjani ◽  
Herizal Herizal ◽  
Afrijal Afrijal
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Local Politics ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Political Campaign ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Political Candidates ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Political Approach ◽  
Free Aceh Movement ◽  
Identification Approach

Partai Aceh is one of the local political parties in Aceh that able to win the first political contestation they participated in in 2009, even though it was born two years before in 2007. Since then, they have continued to dominate elections at the local level. Partai Aceh was established because of the peace agreement between GAM-RI as a post-conflict political agreement. The purpose of this study was to determine the victory of the Partai Aceh in the local realm. The method used is descriptive qualitative through interview techniques. The results of the study state that the Partai Aceh's victory in the context of Acehnese local politics cannot be separated from political psychology, such as the Partai Aceh identification approach through political socialisation, political candidates, and the Partai Aceh political campaign. The Partai Aceh approached the community involving the former Free Aceh Movement in conducting campaigns. The Partai Aceh's foresight in carrying the figure of a former GAM combatant impacted the Partai Aceh's victory.

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