scholarly journals On slogans of political parties and political candidates

2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-80
Author(s):  
Zoran Slavujevic
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danica Kulibert ◽  
Aaron J Moss ◽  
Jacob Appleby ◽  
Laurie O'Brien

People who deviate from group norms pose problems for their ingroup, but not all forms are deviance are equivalent. Four experiments (N=1,063) investigated whether people hold a lay understanding of these subjective group dynamics by assessing people’s beliefs about how others would perceive two types of deviants within U.S. political parties—political moderates and extremes. Participants thought both Democrats (Experiment 1) and Republicans (Experiment 2) would view moderate political candidates more negatively (e.g., less loyal, less principled, less typical, and more likely to defect) than extreme candidates. Moreover, these relatively negative evaluations of moderates extended to rank and file members of the Democratic (Experiment 3) and Republican (Experiment 4) Parties. These findings suggest that people intuitively understand subjective group dynamics and, when applied to politics, this understanding may have important consequences for how people with moderate and extreme beliefs engage in political discourse.


2007 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Toril Aalberg ◽  
Anders Todal Jenssen

Abstract Electoral research has demonstrated how men and women sometimes have different political preferences. Men are typically thought to be more concerned about taxation, business policies, etc., while women care more about issues related to the welfare state. Thus, it seems obvious that stereotyping influences candidate evaluation with regard to issue competence. In this article, we investigate whether stereotyping also influences how the electorate views the communication skills of the candidates. We ask whether the gender of politicians affects the way citizens evaluate various aspects of the qualities of a political speech, and thus their support for political parties. The experiment used in this study is based on a pre- and post-stimuli questionnaire. Stimuli are videotapes of genuine political speeches (originally given by party leaders in October 2000) performed for the experiment by one female and one male actor. Our main finding is that the male “politician” was believed to be more knowledgeable, trustworthy and convincing than the female “politician” even though they presented the same speech verbatim. These differences in scores were the result of the male part of the audience consistently rating the female lower and the male higher than did the females in the audience. Among the female audience, the two politicians received almost identical scores on all traits. The candidate’s popularity and the popularity of the candidate’s party were also affected by the gender of the politician who performed the speech.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. PROOFREAD
Author(s):  
Mukhrijal Mukhrijal ◽  
Saddam Rassanjani ◽  
Herizal Herizal ◽  
Afrijal Afrijal

Partai Aceh is one of the local political parties in Aceh that able to win the first political contestation they participated in in 2009, even though it was born two years before in 2007. Since then, they have continued to dominate elections at the local level. Partai Aceh was established because of the peace agreement between GAM-RI as a post-conflict political agreement. The purpose of this study was to determine the victory of the Partai Aceh in the local realm. The method used is descriptive qualitative through interview techniques. The results of the study state that the Partai Aceh's victory in the context of Acehnese local politics cannot be separated from political psychology, such as the Partai Aceh identification approach through political socialisation, political candidates, and the Partai Aceh political campaign. The Partai Aceh approached the community involving the former Free Aceh Movement in conducting campaigns. The Partai Aceh's foresight in carrying the figure of a former GAM combatant impacted the Partai Aceh's victory.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Ananda Rezky Wibowo

The results showed that the absence of female candidates who passed the legislative body in North Luwu Regency showed that the implementation of the policy affirmative action of the 30 percent quota of women's representation was not optimal, even though voter behavior was no longer significant in questioning gender issues in politics. This is due to the dominance of male political elites which still have a big influence because the voting community still sees the existence of these political elites. In addition, it is due to the failure of political parties to regenerate and build political commitment to women. Although in the 2014-2019 period there were two female representatives in the legislative body of North Luwu Regency, in the 2019-2023 elections they were not re-elected because they no longer had a network of power and kinship. The most crucial factor is that money politics is still a compromise tool in the electoral process, political actors play a role in money politics, so this makes no female candidates elected because of their inability to compete with the flow of money politics even though they have incurred political costs. which is not the least. Voters will choose a certain candidate if he feels there is a reciprocal that will be accepted as well as political candidates who are afraid of losing their votes, this irrational act (playing money politics) becomes the last resort.


2020 ◽  
pp. 91-101
Author(s):  
Rudolph Asomaning ◽  
Evans Ababio

The drive to win elections by political candidates has resulted in the employment of marketing tools such as celebrity advertising. Celebrities have been engaged in endorsing various political candidates. The current study sought to investigate the influence of celebrity advertisement on young voters’ choice of political candidates in Ghana. The study employed the quantitative technique through regression statistics to establish the influence. A sample of about 400 students (respondents) was drawn for the study. The results showed that there was weak positive but significant influence of celebrity advertisement on young voters’ choice of political candidates. This indicates that political parties that engage celebrities in advertising for their candidates and brands stand the chance of winning over young voters to vote for their candidates. It is recommended that celebrity advertising should be designed in such a way that it could improve the capacity of creating long lasting impact in the minds of young voters, influencing young voters to better recognize political candidates at voting points as well as influencing recalling of political candidates during national elections. Policies makers should put measures in place to regulate the contents and type of adverts that can be run by celebrities for political parties since most of these adverts are directed to and consumed by young voters.


Obraz ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 88-97
Author(s):  
Volodymyr Bradov

The purpose of the article is to investigate the diversity of printed political advertising during the 2020 local elections to determine the methods and forms of its socio-communicative impact on the electorate. The source base – printed campaign materials distributed in the Sumy region. The relevance of the chosen theme determines the study of dialogue between candidates, current politicians and voters. Іn the process of research, іt was identified the diversity of printed political advertising during the election campaign, it was found that political advertisements in leaflets, booklets, newsletters, brochures was dominated in this period. The peculiarity of print political advertising is that political parties and their leaders tried to use it to form the communication desired by the political candidates themselves, thus influencing the consciousness, opinion and choice of the electorate.


Author(s):  
Meng-Jie Wang ◽  
Kumar Yogeeswaran ◽  
Sivanand Sivaram ◽  
Kyle Nash

AbstractPrevious research investigating the transmission of political messaging has primarily taken a valence-based approach leaving it unclear how specific emotions influence the spread of candidates’ messages, particularly in a social media context. Moreover, such work does not examine if any differences exist across major political parties (i.e., Democrats vs. Republicans) in their responses to each type of emotional content. Leveraging more than 7000 original messages published by Senate candidates on Twitter leading up to the 2018 US mid-term elections, the present study utilizes an advanced natural language tool (i.e., IBM Tone Analyzer) to examine how candidates’ multidimensional discrete emotions (i.e., joy, anger, fear, sadness, and confidence) displayed in a given tweet—might be more likely to garner the public’s attention online. While the results indicate that positive joy-signaling tweets are less likely to be retweeted or favorited on both sides of the political spectrum, the presence of anger- and fear-signaling tweets were significantly associated with increased diffusion among Republican and Democrat networks, respectively. Neither expressions of confidence nor sadness had an impact on retweet or favorite counts. Given the ubiquity of social media in contemporary politics, here we provide a starting point from which to disentangle the role of specific emotions in the proliferation of political messages, shedding light on the ways in which political candidates gain potential exposure throughout the election cycle.


2005 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Howat ◽  
Bruce Maycock ◽  
Terry Slevin

Federal and state elections provide opportunity for health advocacy. Prior to the elections political parties reformulate their policies, many of which are relevant to public health. The adverse effects of gambling have been minimised in Western Australia (WA) compared to other states and territories in Australia due to strict policies that limit the availability of electronic gaming machines (EGMs). In the lead-up to the 2001 state election, aggressive lobbying of politicians was undertaken in an attempt to allow the expansion of poker machines to hotels and licensed clubs throughout the state. The proponents of this were representatives of the hoteliers and licensed clubs who claimed their continued economic viability was dependent on such a move. Opponents consisted of a coalition of community groups and professional associations. This paper is a summary of the approach taken by health advocates that ultimately contributed to written endorsement of the two main political parties to maintain the moratorium on the expansion of poker machines in WA. Focus of the paper is given to one approach involving direct contact with political candidates. This approach holds promise for effective advocacy for other public health issues.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 40-48
Author(s):  
Radovan Bacik ◽  
Beata Gavurova ◽  
Jaroslava Gburova

Companies use marketing public relations to support the marketing department or product promotion and image-making. The discipline of public relations usually used to be of secondary importance in marketing communication activities for ages. Marketing public relations could affect public awareness at a fraction of the cost of advertising and is often much more credible. Public relations are intended to positively influence development in society by aligning one's own interests with those of the public. Public relations objectives in politics focus on building image, securing market share, or increasing consumer (voter) conviction. Political parties should inform the public of their activities based on truthfulness and without any distortion. The paper aims to theoretically summarize public relations and differences between public relations and advertising and an analysis of the impact of public relations and public relations tools on the change of voting behavior and decision-making of Slovak consumers (voters). The empirical study was carried out based on a research of 362 in Slovakia consumers (voters). The primary information was the actual collection. The sample consisted of 362 respondents. The obtained primary data were processed in the statistical program. The method Pearson's Chi-squared test was used to confirm or reject the stated hypothesis. The subject of the research were consumers living in the region of eastern Slovakia. The obtained results showed statistically significant differences in the perception of tools and public relations methods depending on respondents' education. The findings could be beneficial for several target groups, namely marketing managers in the political field, political parties, political candidates, not only in Eastern Slovakia but within the framework of whole Slovakia. At the same time, they could serve as a source of information and as a basis for deciding and establishing the right tools of public relations in promoting political parties and political candidates.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Birgir Guðmundsson

This article presents results from a survey among political candidates standing in parliamentary elections in Iceland in the spring of 2013 regarding their use of media in the election campaign. The purpose of this study was twofold; first to determine the extent to which politicians have adopted new technologies. Thereby adapting their election strategies to new realities and a transformed media environment characterized by hybridization between new networked media and traditional media logic. Secondly, to examine whether in a digitalized media era, there is a difference in media use between old and new political parties. The findings suggest a process of normalization and the potential advantage for new parties, due to easier access to communication channels created by less expensive new media outlets, was by and large negated by a more complex and diverse media environment.


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