Examining the Left-Right Divide through the Lens of a Global Crisis: Ideological Differences and Their Implications for Responses to the COVID-19 Pandemic

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Ruisch ◽  
Courtney A. Moore ◽  
Javier Granados Samayoa ◽  
Shelby Boggs ◽  
Jesse T. Ladanyi ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Political Ideology ◽  
Empathic Concern ◽  
Personality Factors ◽  
Health Issues ◽  
Related Factors ◽  
Total N ◽  
Ideological Differences ◽  
Weak Influence ◽  
Insight Into

The COVID-19 disease pandemic is one of the most pressing global health issues of our time. Nevertheless, responses to the pandemic exhibit a stark ideological divide, with political conservatives (versus liberals/progressives) expressing less concern about the virus and less behavioral compliance with efforts to combat it. Drawing from decades of research on the psychological underpinnings of ideology, in four studies (total N = 4,441) we examine the factors that contribute to the ideological gap in pandemic response—across domains including personality (e.g., empathic concern), attitudes (e.g., trust in science), information (e.g., COVID-19 knowledge), vulnerability (e.g., preexisting medical conditions), demographics (e.g., education, income) and environment (e.g., local COVID-19 infection rates). This work provides insight into the most proximal drivers of this ideological divide, and also helps fill a longstanding theoretical and empirical gap regarding how these various ideological differences shape responses to complex real-world sociopolitical events. Among our key findings are the central role of attitude- and belief-related factors (e.g., trust in science and trust in Trump)—and the relatively weak influence of more domain-general personality factors (e.g., empathic concern, disgust sensitivity). We conclude by considering possible explanations for these findings and their broader implications for our understanding of political ideology.

scholarly journals Trust in science increases conservative support for social distancing

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 680-697
Author(s):  
Jonah Koetke ◽  
Karina Schumann ◽  
Tenelle Porter
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Government Official ◽  
Prevention Strategies ◽  
Social Distancing ◽  
Scientific Consensus ◽  
Ideological Differences ◽  
Moderating Role ◽  
Insight Into

The COVID-19 pandemic necessitates adherence to scientifically supported prevention strategies, such as social distancing. Although most Americans support social distancing, a subset of conservatives reject the scientific consensus on this matter. We explored why some conservatives reject social distancing, focusing on how trust in science contributes to ideological differences in social distancing intentions. In two studies, we replicated recent research demonstrating that conservatives report lower support for social distancing compared to liberals. However, in Study 1 we found support for a moderating role of trust in science, such that conservatives reported stronger intentions to socially distance when they had high trust in science. In Study 2, we enhanced trust in messaging about social distancing – and in turn, social distancing intentions among conservatives – by having the messages come from a Republican (vs. unidentified) government official. These studies provide insight into how we can increase adherence to public health recommendations regarding COVID-19.

scholarly journals Pupils’ Use of Social Media and Its Relation to Mental Health from a School Personnel Perspective: A Preliminary Qualitative Study

2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (17) ◽  
pp. 9163
Author(s):  
Gunnhild Johnsen Hjetland ◽  
Viktor Schønning ◽  
Bodil Elisabeth Valstad Aasan ◽  
Randi Træland Hella ◽  
Jens Christoffer Skogen
Keyword(s):  
Mental Health ◽  
Social Media ◽  
Mental Health Problems ◽  
School Personnel ◽  
Health Issues ◽  
Focus Group Interviews ◽  
Total N ◽  
Group Interviews ◽  
Use Of Social Media

The extent of mental health problems among adolescents seems to be on the rise, and this observed trend has often been linked to a coinciding increase in social media use. The goal of the current preliminary study was to investigate how senior high school personnel experience the role of social media in relation to the mental health of their pupils. Two focus group interviews (total n = 11) were completed and analyzed using reflexive thematic analysis, resulting in 4 themes and 11 subthemes. The results illustrate that school personnel experience social media as a tool for communication, but also as a potential cause of mental health issues and reduced academic performance among pupils. The participants called for schools to become better equipped to meet the opportunities and challenges of social media.

scholarly journals The self-control consequences of political ideology

2015 ◽  
Vol 112 (27) ◽  
pp. 8250-8253 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua J. Clarkson ◽  
John R. Chambers ◽  
Edward R. Hirt ◽  
Ashley S. Otto ◽  
Frank R. Kardes ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Political Ideology ◽  
The Self ◽  
Self Control ◽  
Task Persistence ◽  
Critical Difference ◽  
Attention Regulation ◽  
Political Conservatism ◽  
Insight Into ◽  
And Task

Evidence from three studies reveals a critical difference in self-control as a function of political ideology. Specifically, greater endorsement of political conservatism (versus liberalism) was associated with greater attention regulation and task persistence. Moreover, this relationship is shown to stem from varying beliefs in freewill; specifically, the association between political ideology and self-control is mediated by differences in the extent to which belief in freewill is endorsed, is independent of task performance or motivation, and is reversed when freewill is perceived to impede (rather than enhance) self-control. Collectively, these findings offer insight into the self-control consequences of political ideology by detailing conditions under which conservatives and liberals are better suited to engage in self-control and outlining the role of freewill beliefs in determining these conditions.

scholarly journals Christian No More: Christian Americans are Threatened by Their Impending Minority Status

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosemary Lyn Al-Kire ◽  
Michael H. Pasek ◽  
Jo-Ann Tsang ◽  
Wade C. Rowatt
Keyword(s):  
Political Ideology ◽  
Perceived Threat ◽  
Total N ◽  
Majority Group ◽  
Group Members ◽  
Election Results ◽  
Demographic Shifts ◽  
Religious Landscape ◽  
Christian Nationalism

Christian Americans are on track to become a minority of the U.S. population by midcentury. Research on racial demographic shifts shows majority-group members experience status threat when reminded of similar demographic changes. Public debate about religious freedom and the role of Christianity in America suggest that fast-changing religious demographics similarly elicit threat, and trigger defensive political stances, among Christian Americans. In two preregistered experiments (total N = 766 Christian Americans), reminders of religious demographic shifts evoked perceived threat to religious rights and freedoms, which in turn accounted for increases in Christian nationalism, conservative political ideology, and support for Donald Trump in the 2020 presidential election. Results illustrate how America’s fast-changing religious landscape can evoke threat for Christians and how this threat may influence political reasoning.

scholarly journals Investigating the Conservatism-Disgust Paradox in Reactions to the COVID-19 Pandemic: A Critical Reexamination of the Interrelations between Political Ideology, Disgust Sensitivity, and Pandemic Response

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Ruisch ◽  
Shelby Boggs ◽  
Courtney Moore ◽  
Javier Granados Samayoa ◽  
Jesse T. Ladanyi ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Political Ideology ◽  
Self Report ◽  
Disgust Sensitivity ◽  
Disease Avoidance ◽  
Potent Predictor ◽  
Ideological Differences ◽  
Political Conservatism ◽  
Pandemic Response ◽  
Insight Into

Research has documented robust associations between greater disgust sensitivity and (1) concern about disease, and (2) political conservatism. However, the COVID-19 disease pandemic raised challenging questions about these associations. In particular, why have conservatives—despite their greater disgust sensitivity—exhibited less concern about the pandemic? Here, we aim to resolve this “conservatism-disgust paradox” and address several outstanding theoretical questions regarding the interrelations between disgust sensitivity, ideology, and pandemic response. In four studies (N=1,764), we identify several methodological and conceptual factors—in particular, an overreliance on self-report measures—that likely inflated, or even wholly created, the apparent associations between these constructs. Using non-self-report measures, we find that disgust sensitivity is a far less potent predictor of disease avoidance than is typically believed, and that ideological differences in disgust sensitivity may be limited to self-report measures. These findings help resolve this paradox, while providing important insight into the nature of these associations.

Daniel Neal and the ‘Puritan Revolution’

1986 ◽  
Vol 55 (4) ◽  
pp. 456-467 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laird Okie
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
New York ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
New Hampshire ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Late Eighteenth Century ◽  
History Of ◽  
Insight Into

Daniel Neal's The History of the Puritans was a standard eighteenth-century source for modern historians and, as will be shown, prefigured nineteenth-century Whig conceptions of Puritanism. Published in four volumes between 1732 and 1738, Neal's work went through at least twenty-one editions or reprints; the last one was done in 1863. New editions were printed in London, Bath, Dublin, New York, and Portsmouth, New Hampshire, and the History was twice expanded by continuators in the late eighteenth century and early nineteenth century. The History of the Puritans was not a narrowly religious or sectarian study: Neal strove to elucidate the Puritan contribution to the state. A Congregationalist minister, Neal produced the closest thing we have to an official Dissenting history of England, one which glorified the role of Puritanism in fostering English liberty. To study Neal's History is to gain insight into the historical and political ideology of early eighteenth-century Dissent.

scholarly journals Identifying the domains of ideological similarities and differences in attitudes

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emily Kubin ◽  
Mark John Brandt
Keyword(s):  
Political Ideology ◽  
Value Orientations ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Implicit Measures ◽  
Religious Ideology ◽  
Ideological Differences ◽  
Elective Affinities ◽  
Similarities And Differences ◽  
Insight Into

Liberals and conservatives disagree, but are there some domains where we are more or less likely to observe ideological differences? To map the types of attitudes where we may be more or less likely to observe ideological differences, we draw on two approaches, the elective affinities approach, which suggests individual differences explains differences between liberals and conservatives, and the divergent content approach, which posits the key distinction between ideologues are their value orientations. The goal of the current research was to explore when and why liberals and conservatives disagree. We tested whether ideological differences are more likely to emerge in attitudes characterized by threat, complexity, morality, political ideology, religious ideology, or harm (as compared to objects not characterized by these domains) using both explicit and implicit measures of 190 attitude objects. While all domains predicted ideological differences, the political domain was the only significant predictor of ideological differences when controlling for the other domains. This study provides insight into which attitudes we are most and least likely to find ideological differences.

scholarly journals The Multiple Matching Perspective on Value versus Identity: Investigating How Political Ideology and Party Identity Contribute to Citizens’ Support for Political Candidates

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Max Hui Bai
Keyword(s):  
Political Ideology ◽  
Predictive Power ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Party Affiliation ◽  
Political Candidates ◽  
Total N ◽  
Party Identity ◽  
Political Value ◽  
Cross Match

Many past studies tested effects of political value (i.e., ideology) and identity (i.e., party identity) on support for political candidates. Little has compared their effects by considering them from the perspectives of citizens and the candidate. This paper takes them into consideration by introducing and using the multiple matching perspective. It compares how much the predictive power of citizens’ ideology and political identity are moderated by a candidate’s ideology as well as the candidate’s party affiliation. Therefore, four types of matches (i.e., statistical moderations) are compared under this perspective: A. citizens’ ideology-candidates’ ideology match, B. citizens’ party-candidates’ ideology cross-match, C. citizens’ ideology-candidates’ party cross-match, and D. citizens’ party-candidates’ party match. The following novel and nuanced patterns about the role of ideology and party identity are uncovered under this perspective using four studies (total N=41,986): 1. The effect of ideological match (A) is large, robust, and consistent. 2. The moderating effect of candidates’ ideology (A and B) is more powerful than candidates’ party affiliation (C and D) except during the final stage of a presidential race (when A and D are similar). 3. Citizens’ party identity may guide them to support a candidate whose ideology is congruent with the party that citizens identify with (B), but it is less so for the reverse of it (less evidence for C). Finally, a supplemental study shows that citizens’ ideology is more central to their self-concept and more moralized than their party identity, and this may explain the primacy of ideology over party identity.

Plasminogen Activation In Vivo upon Intravenous Infusion of DDAVP

1992 ◽  
Vol 67 (01) ◽  
pp. 111-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcel Levi ◽  
Jan Paul de Boer ◽  
Dorina Roem ◽  
Jan Wouter ten Cate ◽  
C Erik Hack
Keyword(s):  
Monoclonal Antibodies ◽  
Plasminogen Activator ◽  
Plasma Levels ◽  
Fold Increase ◽  
Fibrinolytic System ◽  
Plasminogen Activation ◽  
Plasminogen Activator Activity ◽  
Insight Into

SummaryInfusion of desamino-d-arginine vasopressin (DDAVP) results in an increase in plasma plasminogen activator activity. Whether this increase results in the generation of plasmin in vivo has never been established.A novel sensitive radioimmunoassay (RIA) for the measurement of the complex between plasmin and its main inhibitor α2 antiplasmin (PAP complex) was developed using monoclonal antibodies preferentially reacting with complexed and inactivated α2-antiplasmin and monoclonal antibodies against plasmin. The assay was validated in healthy volunteers and in patients with an activated fibrinolytic system.Infusion of DDAVP in a randomized placebo controlled crossover study resulted in all volunteers in a 6.6-fold increase in PAP complex, which was maximal between 15 and 30 min after the start of the infusion. Hereafter, plasma levels of PAP complex decreased with an apparent half-life of disappearance of about 120 min. Infusion of DDAVP did not induce generation of thrombin, as measured by plasma levels of prothrombin fragment F1+2 and thrombin-antithrombin III (TAT) complex.We conclude that the increase in plasminogen activator activity upon the infusion of DDAVP results in the in vivo generation of plasmin, in the absence of coagulation activation. Studying the DDAVP induced increase in PAP complex of patients with thromboembolic disease and a defective plasminogen activator response upon DDAVP may provide more insight into the role of the fibrinolytic system in the pathogenesis of thrombosis.

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