BALKAN VECTOR OF BELARUS FOREIGN POLICY (LATE XX - EARLY XXI CENTURIES)

2021 ◽  
pp. 253-268
Author(s):  
Larisa Shanshieva ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Subsequent Formation ◽  
Independent State ◽  
Main Research ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
The Republic

The article examines the Balkan vector of the Belarus’ foreign policy in the context of the concept of a multi-vector policy. It is noted that the Republic of Belarus (RB), created as an independent state after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, initially attached great importance to the establishment of mutually beneficial relations with different countries. This approach laid the foundation for the subsequent formation of the named concept. The thesis is expressed that the implementation of a multi-vector policy entailed certain contradictions. They were based on the need to constantly maintain a balance in relations between the Republic of Belarus and countries that have different economic and political systems and are members of various regional associations. On the one hand, Belarus has established strong allied relations with Russia and joined organizations such as the EAEU and the CSTO. On the other hand, it actively established trade and economic relations with the countries of the European Union, as well as with China and the United States. The main attention is paid to the Balkan vector of international cooperation of the Republic of Belarus, first of all to the Belarusian-Serbian relations. It is noted that the Belarusian leadership sought to cooperate with other Balkan countries, involving them in the orbit of trade and economic ties in the EAEU markets. The main research methods are the content analysis method and the predictive method. The author analyzes the features of the modern political situation in Belarus, caused by the ambiguous results of the presidential elections on August 9, 2020. It is concluded that the confrontation between the authorities and society will have negative consequences for the foreign policy of the Republic of Belarus, for its relations with other states, including the Balkans.

scholarly journals THE RESURGENCE OF NATIONALISM: THE BREAKUP OF YUGOSLAVIA

2020 ◽  
pp. 39-42
Author(s):  
Sergey Asaturov ◽  
Andrei Martynov
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Balkan Wars ◽  
Nation States ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Balkan States ◽  
The Eu

The choice between modern nation-building and integration into supranational European and Euro-Atlantic structures remains a strategic challenge for the Balkan countries. Success in solving this problem of predominantly mono-ethnic Croatia and Slovenia has not yet become a model to follow. Serbian and Albanian national issues cannot be resolved. Serbia's defeat in the Balkan wars of 1991–1999 over the creation of a "Greater Serbia" led to the country's territorial fragmentation. Two Albanian national states emerged in the Balkans. Attempts to create a union of Kosovo and Albania could turn the region into a whirlpool of ultra-nationalist contradictions. The European Union has started accession negotiations with Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Northern Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro. The success of these negotiations depends on the readiness of the EU and the ability of these Balkan states to adopt European norms and rules. The accession of all Balkan nation-states to the European Union must finally close the "Balkan window" of the vulnerability of the united Europe. Nation-building in the Balkans on the basis of ethnic nationalism sharply contradicts the purpose and current values of the European integration process. For more than three decades, the EU has been pursuing a policy of human rights, the rule of law, democracy and economic development in the Balkans. The region remains vulnerable to the influences of non-European geopolitical powers: the United States, Russia, Turkey, and China. The further scenario of the great Balkan geopolitical game mainly depends on the pro-European national consolidation of the Balkan peoples and the effectiveness of the European Union's strategy in the Balkans.

scholarly journals Changes in the Foreign Policy of the Republic of Bulgaria under the Russian Influence

2019 ◽  
pp. 34-41
Author(s):  
Vira Burdjak
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
The United States ◽  
Turn Of The Century ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Constructive Dialogue ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Military

The article explores changes in the foreign policy of the Republic of Bulgaria, which began with the transformation of the political regime in the state and the establishment of a democratic political system. At the turn of the century, Bulgaria became a member of influential international organizations – NATO and the European Union. Bulgarian officials have stepped up their relations with NATO officials and the military departments of the Allies. The Russian war in Ukraine has transformed RB into a “frontal zone” of the EU and NATO, increased its strategic importance, strengthened the desire of the politicians of the Republic of Bulgaria to seek guarantees of their security in the United States. However in the last six years, under the influence of a Russian factor, Bulgaria often takes other positions, different from the NATO and EU common line, in particular, seeking to re-establish traditional close ties with Moscow, advocates a good and constructive dialogue with the Russian Federation, in the European arena, stands for softening sanctions and giving the European Union a position more pragmatic about Russia. Keywords: Republic of Bulgaria, NATO, European Union, Ukraine, Russian Federation, Russian factor, sanctions.

scholarly journals Features of the Formation of the Foundations of the Foreign Policy of the Republic of Kazakhstan

2021 ◽  
pp. 172-189
Author(s):  
O. Demenko
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Fifteenth Century ◽  
The United States ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Historical Events ◽  
Progressive Development ◽  
Holistic Perception ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Russian Empire

The article analyzes the foundations of the formation of the foreign policy of the Republic of Kazakhstan, which, first of all, are influenced by the traditions of the historical development of this country, its geopolitical location in the center of the Eurasian continent, transport and communication potential and the presence of large reserves of natural resources. It is emphasized that in modern Kazakhstan there is still no holistic perception of many historical events and processes, in particular those that were hushed up during the imperial and Soviet periods. At the same time, in the scientific discourse of the country, there is a rethinking of national history through criticism of the previous historical experience. It is noted that after the formation in the middle of the fifteenth century. In the Kazakh Khanate, the progressive development of statehood was replaced by a period of struggle against foreign invaders – first the Dzungars, and then the Russian Empire. It ended with the loss of statehood, the struggle for the restoration of which is presented in the form of a teleologically constructed narrative of the heroic struggle for independence, which includes a number of historical events and periods. The process of modern nation-state building in Kazakhstan is based on the consolidating role of the titular nation, which contributes to the growth of interest in historical issues and is accompanied by a gradual loss of the influence of Soviet-Russian narratives in political and historical discourse. A feature of the foreign policy of the Republic of Kazakhstan is a multi-vector approach, which has developed historically and is designed to ensure a balance between various geopolitical centers of power. The priorities of Kazakhstan’s foreign policy are determined: the development of allied relations with the Russian Federation, a comprehensive strategic partnership with the PRC, an expanded strategic partnership with the United States, strategic relations with the Central Asian states, an expanded partnership and cooperation with the European Union.

scholarly journals The relations of Serbia and the People’s Republic of China at the beginning of the 21st century

2018 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-67
Author(s):  
Dusko Dimitrijevic
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
The United States ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
The European Union ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Republic

The current relations of the Republic of Serbia with the People?s Republic of China (hereinafter: Serbia and China) are conditioned by many political, economic, legal and social factors. The mentioned factors point to the existence of asymmetry in many aspects which, however, is not an issue that implies that the two parties can not develop good and friendly relations. In the historical and international legal sense, the relations of the two countries are characterized by the continuity of diplomatic relations established on January 2, 1955, between the then Federal People's Republic Yugoslavia and the People's Republic of China. Serbia as the successor state of SFR Yugoslavia continues to treat China as one of its most important partners in international relations, which is manifested through the foreign policy course, according to which China is one of the main ?pillars? of Serbia's foreign policy alongside the European Union, Russia and the United States. The mere reference to the main ?pillars? in Serbia's foreign policy orientation indicates that China is a key player in world politics and a great power with which Serbia needs to build relations of a ?comprehensive strategic partnership?. It is not surprising, therefore, that the deepening of the Serbian-Chinese relations on a bilateral and multilateral level (especially within the UN, regional international organizations and political forums such as the 16 + 1 mechanism between China and the countries of Central and Eastern Europe) contributed to better strategic positioning of Serbia in modern international relations.

scholarly journals Priorities of foreign policy strategy of the Republic of Serbia

2009 ◽  
Vol 61 (3) ◽  
pp. 343-364
Author(s):  
Dragan Djukanovic ◽  
Ivona Ladjevac
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
Regional Organizations ◽  
Institutional Frameworks ◽  
Policy Objectives ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Republic

In this article, the authors point to the basic priorities the future foreign policy of the Republic of Serbia should include. They point out that a basic social and political consensus on the most important foreign policy objectives should be primarily achieved. Afterwards, the way of tactical and operational implementation of the set objectives should be defined within the strategy specifying the constitutional and legal institutional frameworks for its implementation. Considerable attention is devoted to the positioning of the Republic of Serbia to the European Union and NATO, the United States of America and the Russian Federation as well as to the participation of Serbia in the work of universal and regional organizations. The paper also analyses the bilateral and multilateral relations in the Western Balkans region.

BALKAN DIRECTION OF CZECH FOREIGN POLICY

2021 ◽  
pp. 217-232
Author(s):  
Yulia Shcherbakova
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Czech Republic ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Migration Policy ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Illegal Migration ◽  
The Czech Republic ◽  
Main Research ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Balkan States

The article examines one of the directions of the foreign policy of the Czech Republic - the Balkan one. Based on the analysis of government documents on foreign policy, it is noted that this vector cannot be considered a priority. Nevertheless, the development of the situation in the Balkans is of considerable interest in Czech society. The main topic discussed in the article is the integration of the Balkan states into the European Union. The article reveals the connection between the foreign policy strategy of the Czech Republic and the current state of the Czech political scene, where the discussion on the recognition of Kosovo's independence plays a significant role. In connection with the active use of the «southern Balkan route» by migrants, certain problems of the migration policy of the Czech Republic are considered in the context of the fight against illegal migration. The main research method is content analysis of foreign policy documents of the Czech government and speeches of Czech politicians. The author concludes that the Czech Republic actively supports the process of European integration of the Balkan states, considering it an indispensable condition for the stable economic and political development of all countries in the region and a guarantee of the preservation of peace and security in Europe as a whole.

Security Council

1949 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 496-500
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Security Council ◽  
The United States ◽  
Republic Of Korea ◽  
New Members ◽  
Independent State ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Republic

Application of the Republic of Korea: The report of the Committee on the Admission of New Members concerning the application of the Republic of Korea for admission to the United Nations was considered at the 423rd meeting of the Council on April 8, 1949. Attacked by the Soviet and Ukrainian representatives as a puppet regime illegally established by the intervention of an illegally constituted Interim Committee of the Assembly, the Republic of Korea was strongly defended by the representatives of the United States, China and Argentina as an independent state willing and able to assume the obligations of membership. The vote on the Chinese resolution to recommend the admission of Korea recorded nine members in the affirmative, with the USSR and the Ukrainian SSR in the negative. The resolution therefore failed to pass because of the negative vote of the Soviet Union.

COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE CURRENT FRENCH FOREIGN POLICY ACTIVITY

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 74-79
Author(s):  
Nargiza Sodikova ◽  
◽  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Security ◽  
The United States ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Modern Time ◽  
The European Union ◽  
National Interests ◽  
French Foreign Policy

Important aspects of French foreign policy and national interests in the modern time,France's position in international security and the specifics of foreign affairs with the United States and the European Union are revealed in this article

Evolution of Germany’s Stance Regarding the Three Seas Initiative

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 65-77
Author(s):  
Martin Dahl
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Global Game ◽  
New Instrument ◽  
Law And Justice ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Baltic ◽  
Polish Foreign

When the political camp centred on the Law and Justice party (PiS) came to power in 2015, it led to a change in priorities in Polish foreign policy. The Three Seas Initiative (TSI), understood as closer cooperation between eastern states of the European Union in the area between the Baltic, Adriatic, and Black seas, has become a new instrument of foreign policy. The initiative demonstrates the growing importance of Central and Eastern Europe in the global game of great powers. The region has become a subject of rivalry, not only between the United States and Russia but also China. Therefore, the main objective of this article is to try to describe the importance of the region to Germany and how Germany’s stance on the TSI has evolved. The article consists of three parts, an introduction to the issues, the genesis of the TSI, and the definition of goals set by the states participating in this initiative, as well as analysis of the German stance towards the initiative since its development in 2015. The theories of geopolitics and neorealism are used as the theoretical basis for the analysis.

scholarly journals Another Story: What Public Opinion Data Tell Us about Refugee and Humanitarian Policy

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 379-400 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brad Blitz
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Public Attitudes ◽  
The United States ◽  
European Social Survey ◽  
Humanitarian Assistance ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Media Campaigns ◽  
Refugee Protection ◽  
Muslim Communities

The global reaction to US President Donald Trump's executive order, “Protecting the Nation from Foreign Terrorist Entry into the United States” of January 27, 2017,1 revealed great public sympathy for the fate of refugees and the principle of refugee protection. In the case of Europe, such sympathy has, however, been dismissed by politicians who have read concerns regarding security and integration as reason for introducing restrictive policies on asylum and humanitarian assistance. These policies are at odds with public sentiment. Drawing upon public opinion surveys conducted by Amnesty International, the European Social Survey (ESS), and Pew Global Attitudes Survey across the European Union and neighboring states, this article records a marked divide between public attitudes towards the treatment of refugees and asylum seekers and official policies regarding asylum and humanitarian assistance, and seeks to understand why this is the case. The article suggests that post-9/11 there has been a reconfiguration of refugee policy and a reconnecting of humanitarian and security interests which has enabled a discourse antithetical to the universal right to asylum. It offers five possible explanations for this trend: i) fears over cultural antagonism in host countries; ii) the conflation of refugees and immigrants, both those deemed economically advantageous as well as those labelled as “illegal”; iii) dominance of human capital thinking; iv) foreign policy justification; and v) the normalization of border controls. The main conclusion is that in a post-post-Cold War era characterized in part by the reconnecting of security and humanitarian policy, European governments have developed restrictive policies despite public sympathy. Support for the admission of refugees is not, however, unqualified, and most states and European populations prefer skilled populations that can be easily assimilated. In order to achieve greater protection and more open policies, this article recommends human rights actors work with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and its partners to challenge the above discourse through media campaigns and grassroots messaging. Further recommendations include: • Challenging efforts to normalize and drawing attention to the extreme and unprecedented activities of illegal and inhumane practices, e.g., detention, offshore processing, and the separation of families through the courts as part of a coordinated information campaign to present a counter moral argument. • Identifying how restrictive asylum policies fail to advance foreign policy interests and are contrary to international law. • Evidencing persecution by sharing information with the press and government agencies on the nature of claims by those currently considered ineligible for refugee protection as part of a wider campaign of information and inclusion. • Engaging with minority, and in particular Muslim, communities to redress public concerns regarding the possibility of cultural integration in the host country. • Clarifying the rights of refugees and migrants in line with the UNHCR and International Organization for Migration (IOM) guidelines and European and national law in order to hold governments to account and to ensure that all — irrespective of their skills, status, nationality or religion — are given the opportunity to seek asylum. • Identifying and promoting leadership among states and regional bodies to advance the rights of refugees.

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