scholarly journals Political identity and social media ethics in nowadays America

Author(s):  
E.V. Pinyugina

The article analyzes the ethics of social networks and its relationship with political identity. Two dimensions of the ethics of social networks are identified – the ethics of users and the ethics of platform owners. Using the example of political communication and the actions of social networks during the US protests in 2020, the transition from a procedural ethics based on ensuring freedom of speech and the equivalence of all types of identity to an ethics of protecting oppressed classes and groups is considered. The trends of different ethical assessments and reactions of users and owners of social networks in the same situations in the same political context, arbitrary denial of equal access to political communication to users and politicians due to disapproval of their political identity are revealed. Such ethics are not universal, are applied selectively and can damage the democratic foundations of any society, especially in the context of the growing unlimited power of the owners of communication platforms.

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 172-180
Author(s):  
D. Klyuchevskiy

The purpose of this article is to analyze the experience of using social networks as a political marketing tool in the US presidential elections. This article partially touches upon the global topic of marketization and digitalization of both the political process in general and at the level of the US presidential election. The paper highlights the changing role of social media as a policy tool, which today has become not only a tool for distributing content, but also one of the tools for analyzing data from the electorate. The author explores the possibilities of social networks, their strengths and weaknesses and development prospects in the field of political marketing. The work touches upon the role of social networks in the formation of «Electronic Democracy», their impact on the candidate's image and the relationship with the personalization of politics in the United States. The main method in the article is comparative analysis. The result was the definition of the role, key features of the mentioned social networks in the field of modern politics. A certain theoretical contribution is seen in the argumentation of the following observations: the speed of interaction between the candidate and the voter through social networks has increased, in addition, the area of image-making has been partially «digitalized». It was revealed that technologies of information influence on American voters, which positively influenced the results of the 2016 presidential election for the Republican candidate, lowered D. Trump's ratings during the 2020 elections.


2019 ◽  
pp. 112-121
Author(s):  
Nataliia Kondratenko

The research focuses on the problem of humor in Ukrainian political discourse, which is interpreted as a manifestation of human activity. The peculiarities of the combination of political and game discourses in Ukrainian political communication were clarified, which resulted in the active use of humorous components in the speeches of politicians. Linguistic means of expression of humor in posts on social networks and speeches of Ukrainian politicians are analyzed. The purpose of our study is to investigate linguistic means of humor representation as the main manifestation of comic relief in Ukrainian political discourse. The purpose was to solve the following tasks: to outline the concept of political discourse in terms of the game concept of communicative activity; to analyze political genres in the speech of Ukrainian politicians; identify the linguistic features of political trolling; to find out the specifics of humor in the Ukrainian political discourse. The material of the research was the statements, speeches and posts in the social networks of famous Ukrainian politicians (L. Kravchuk, P. Poroshenko, V. Zelensky, Yu. Tymoshenko, U. Suprun etc.). Political humor is a communicative strategy in communicating politicians with one another and with ordinary citizens, and is a form of protection and distance from political problems. The appearance of a comic effect in communicative interaction depends on the intensity of the speaker and the extralinguistic factors. The main expressions of political humor are jokes, jokes and trolling. Trolling is featured in social media posts and aimed at ridiculing political opponents. The specificity of the Ukrainian political humor in the linguopragmatic aspect is provocative, irony and personal addressing of speech.


Author(s):  
Larisa A. Zaytseva

Introduction. The social function of a public opinion leader is to draw public attention to the most important issues of public life, participate in public discussions, explain and influence public opinion. Political communication is implemented in two dimensions – pragmatic and symbolic, which have very close relationships. The symbolic dimension develops and promotes ideas about society that create, maintain, or destroy political identity. For external target groups of image-making (political and business elites, decision-makers at the federal level, investors, highly qualified migrants, partially residents of other regions), significant repeaters of information about the region are representatives of state authorities and management, leaders of political parties and socio-political movements, bright representatives of the political opposition, etc. Materials and Methods. The research methodology was based on the method of cognitive mapping, which allowed analyzing and visualizing information transmitted by public opinion leaders about the regional space, determining the specifics of the perception of the Republic in the external power environment, and a historical and evolutionary approach that made it possible to trace the evolution of content. Time period of the study: 2012–2019. The study traced a series of judgments, stable expressions used by political and public figures about Mordovia, its potential, development prospects, and its leadership. Results and Discussion. Public opinion leaders (political and business elite, party figures, opposition, etc.) are significant repeaters of information about the region. Political communication is implemented in two main dimensions – pragmatic and symbolic, where the latter involves not rational understanding, but the suggestion of stable meanings. Symbolic politics has always been used by the authorities, especially in times of crisis, so the opinions conveyed by person-images become the basis of symbolic capital that promotes ideas about society (territory), creates, supports or destroys political identity. The external image of the Republic of Mordovia, which is formed on the basis of broadcast opinions, is contradictory. During the study period, we can note some evolution of the image of the Republic, broadcast by the leaders of public opinion. Attention to the region is noticeably increasing due to significant events of various scales. The high authority of the former leadership and loyal “electoral behavior” of the region contributed to the creation and broadcast of a positive image from the federal government and was a reason for criticism from opposition leaders. The celebration of the Millennium of unity of the Mordovian people with the peoples of the Russian state in 2012 was perceived positively by the majority of public opinion leaders and was actively broadcast in the media. The inclusion of Saransk among the host cities of the world football championship was received ambiguously: from a positive assessment to skeptical doubts about the correctness of such a choice. The legacy of the championship was not only the modernized infrastructure, but also the aggravated socio-economic problems of the region, which could not but affect its external image. Discussion and Conclusions. Thus, the positive image of the “territory of innovation”, “dynamically developing region with high-quality agricultural products” and “region of spiritual revival” coexists with the image of the territory of “total falsification”. The nature of the broadcast opinions is closely related to the peculiarities of the political situation and the official/oppositional position of the leader of public opinion in the discourse space.


Utafiti ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 88-108
Author(s):  
Antoni Keya

Online social networks have made communication more accessible in many spheres; they have been used as an alternative political means of regaining or equalising power between a political opposition and a ruling party, when the former is functioning in the absence of a traditional political platform. Recently opposition politicians in Tanzania have utilised online social networks towards this end. Positioning theory draws out this political dynamic in operation. Historically, political communication using electronically transmitted networks in Tanzania was necessitated after the fifth-phase presidency (beginning in 2015) placed a ban on political activities reaching outside their official jurisdictions and naming specific candidates. This ban seemed to weaken opposition politicians because they were regarded as preferring to work in collectives. The analysis here focuses on a press conference involving a United Republic of Tanzania Member of Parliament from the opposition party, addressing the national and international communities in regard to secrecy that surrounded a late arrival of two new jets into Tanzania from Canada, late in 2016. The data suggests that online social networking has enabled opposition politicians to identify themselves as fellow sufferers and representatives of the ordinary citizen, demanding good governance and speaking against misappropriation and laxity in distribution and use of national resources. The opposition has gone further in utilising social media to present the nation’s presidential agenda as pitted against the ordinary citizen. Social media allows the opposition to represent the current government as an elite group responsible for the problems Tanzanians are facing, and therefore as untrustworthy. This limited case study reveals how electronic media re-introduces a potential for effective political opposition to the status quo at a national level.


2016 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 126-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
Axel Maireder ◽  
Brian E. Weeks ◽  
Homero Gil de Zúñiga ◽  
Stephan Schlögl

Social media have changed the way citizens, journalists, institutions, and activists communicate about social and political issues. However, questions remain about how information is diffused through these networks and the degree to which each of these actors is influential in communicating information. In this study, we introduce two novel social network measures of connection and information diffusion that help shed light on patterns of political communication online. The Audience Diversity Score assesses the diversity of a particular actor’s followers and identifies which actors reach different publics with their messages. The Communication Connector Bridging Score highlights the most influential actors in the network who are potentially able to connect different spheres of communication through their information diffusion. We apply and discuss these measures using Twitter data from the discussion regarding the Transatlantic Trade Investment Partnership in Europe. Our results provide unique insights into the role various actors play in diffusing political information in online social networks.


2021 ◽  
Vol 118 (52) ◽  
pp. e2112552118
Author(s):  
Stefano Balietti ◽  
Lise Getoor ◽  
Daniel G. Goldstein ◽  
Duncan J. Watts

In a large-scale, preregistered experiment on informal political communication, we algorithmically matched participants, varying two dimensions: 1) the degree of incidental similarity on nonpolitical features; and 2) their stance agreement on a contentious political topic. Matched participants were first shown a computer-generated social media profile of their match highlighting all the shared nonpolitical features; then, they read a short, personal, but argumentative, essay written by their match about the reduction of inequality via redistribution of wealth by the government. We show that support for redistribution increased and polarization decreased for participants with both mild and strong views, regardless of their political leaning. We further show that feeling close to the match is associated with an 86% increase in the probability of assimilation of political views. Our analysis also uncovers an asymmetry: Interacting with someone with opposite views greatly reduced feelings of closeness; however, interacting with someone with consistent views only moderately increased them. By extending previous work about the effects of incidental similarity and shared identity on affect into the domain of political opinion change, our results bear real-world implications for the (re)-design of social media platforms. Because many people prefer to keep politics outside of their social networks, encouraging cross-cutting political communication based on nonpolitical commonalities is a potential solution for fostering consensus on potentially divisive and partisan topics.


Author(s):  
Julia Fontenla-Pedreira ◽  
José Rúas-Araújo ◽  
Iván Puentes-Rivera

Social media have become an essential means of transmitting information and have transformed the concept of political communication, enabling new audiences to easily select any topic. This has allowed both public and private television networks to provide multiscreen coverage of electoral campaigns while encouraging conversation and debate among users. The content of RTVE’s social networks before, during, and after the televised electoral debate on 4 November 2019 (before the general election of 10 November 2019) was analyzed. The presence of conversation and interaction among the audiences was also examined, namely that originating from the general Facebook and Twitter accounts of RTVE’s social media (La 1 de TVE, La 2 de TVE, RTVE, Canal 24 Horas, and TVE Internacional). Additionally, those showing specifically informative content (Telediario de TVE and Los desayunos de TVE) were also scrutinized. After extracting the publications, those that both related to the debate and generated significant user engagement were selected to compare the topics from the televised debate with other topics that were most widely featured on social media. The results revealed that much more content and a higher level of interest in the debate were found on Twitter accounts, while Facebook was the most neglected by the television station. The RTVE and Canal 24h channels topped the list for both social networks, as did the news broadcast on Twitter in terms of specific content related to the debate, compared with the general interest accounts owned by the television station. Furthermore, the irrelevance of the content broadcast on social media becomes apparent through the lack of dialog and interaction between the audience and accounts. Moreover, the marginal flow of “debate on debate” among the users is evident. Resumen Las redes sociales se han convertido en un medio imprescindible de información y han modificado el concepto de comunicación política, facilitando la selección temática por parte de las nuevas audiencias. Esto ha permitido que televisiones públicas y privadas realicen una cobertura multipantalla de las campañas electorales y, a su vez, posibiliten el diálogo y debate entre los usuarios. Se analiza el contenido de las redes sociales de RTVE antes, durante y después del debate electoral televisado del 4 de noviembre (ante las elecciones generales del 10N de 2019), así como la existencia de conversación e interacción entre las audiencias, en concreto, en las redes sociales Facebook y Twitter de los perfiles generales de RTVE (La 1 de TVE, La 2 de TVE, RTVE, Canal 24 horas y, TVE Internacional), además de los de contenido específicamente informativo (Telediario de TVE, Los Desayunos de TVE). Tras el vaciado de las publicaciones, se seleccionaron las referidas únicamente al debate y con un mayor engagement, con el fin de comparar los temas del debate televisado con los más destacables en las redes sociales. Los resultados muestran la existencia de un mayor contenido e interés de los perfiles de Twitter, siendo Facebook la menos atendida por parte del canal público. Los canales RTVE y Canal 24h encabezan la lista en ambas redes sociales, así como el Telediario en Twitter, en cuanto a contenidos específicos relacionados con el debate televisado, frente a los perfiles generalistas de la cadena. Además, se pone de manifiesto la unidireccionalidad de los contenidos emitidos en estas redes y la inexistencia de diálogo e interacción entre audiencias y los propios perfiles, así como un flujo de “debate sobre el debate” muy escaso entre los propios usuarios.


2021 ◽  

The aim of the book is to reveal the changes and developments in the field of communication with the Coronavirus process. With the epidemic, many things have changed – from education to politics, from social media use to advertisements, from consumption habits to eating habits and also all daily habits. Articles discussed are effects of Covid-19 on social networks, political communication, advertisment, crisis and marketing. There are not only theory but also samples from different areas in this book


Author(s):  
Annelise Russell

Social media is changing the business of representation and lawmaker reputation building, and this book uses the US Senate to illustrate the constituent-driven nature of political communication. I offer a critical analysis of senators’ communication on Twitter, the forces that shape it, and the agendas that result. Senators strategically communicate a political image that reflects their unique political persona. They have to decide what they want to be known for, crafting communications that prioritize legislation, constituent service, and party politics in ways that meet the interests of their constituencies and foster promising electoral returns. Senators’ communicated, public priorities—what is termed in this book as the rhetorical agenda—offer a necessary tool for understanding how senators link their carefully crafted public image with potential voters. The rhetorical agenda uses more than 180,000 lawmaker tweets to challenge what we know about representation, removing the institutional and political constraints on congressional communication and giving lawmakers a messaging platform where individual discretion is high, the relative costs are low, and someone is always watching.


2013 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mauro Bertolotti ◽  
Patrizia Catellani ◽  
Karen M. Douglas ◽  
Robbie M. Sutton

In two experimental studies (conducted in Britain and Italy), participants read about a politician answering to leadership- versus morality-related allegations using either downward counterfactuals (“things could have been worse, if ...”) or upward counterfactuals (“things could have been better, if ...”). Downward messages increased the perception of the politician’s leadership, while both downward and upward messages increased morality perception. Political sophistication moderated the effect of message direction, with downward messages increasing perceived morality in low sophisticates and upward messages increasing perceived morality in high sophisticates. In the latter group, the acknowledgment of an intent to take responsibility mediated morality judgment. Results were consistent across different countries, highlighting previously unexplored effects of communication on the perception of the “Big Two” dimensions.


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