scholarly journals Enter to Neo-Realist Era? Major Trends of Nepali Diplomacy in Federal Republic Era

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 137-151
Author(s):  
Narayan Adhikari ◽  
Manoj Thapa

Nepal entered to federal republic era after promulgation of new constitution in 2015. An alliance of communist parties – now unified into a single party, Nepal Communist Party (NCP) – obtained nearby two-third majority in 2017 legislative election. Four major diplomatic activities of in this new era are remarkable: frequent visit of high level delegates to Nepal, diversification of foreign relations, military exchange in bilateral and multilateral sector, and active participation in strategic projects of global superpowers. Where Nepal is emphasizing in its foreign relations? What is the Nepal government's interpretation with new changes? This study examines these questions to identify and access Nepal's contemporary foreign policy. It, moreover, examines whether we can interpret these change based on (neo) realist perspective - a predominant worldview in interpreting Nepal's role and position in international relations.

Author(s):  
Rahul Sagar

This chapter examines ideas about war, peace, and international relations over the century preceding independence, of which there were many more and in greater depth than widely supposed. It outlines how and why Indians first began to articulate views on the subject, and subsequently analyses these ideas. It proposes that, contrary to the opinion of some scholars, Indians thought carefully about the nature of international relations. Most importantly, it emphasizes the plurality of views on the subject, and explains how and why proponents of pragmatism in foreign relations came to be sidelined in the period immediately preceding independence. Several of the personalities developing notions of what a foreign policy for India should involve as of the early twentieth century, including India’s first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, became important actors in formulating and implementing foreign policy post-independence.


2000 ◽  
Vol 30 (118) ◽  
pp. 123-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dirk Messner

Globalization processes are emphatically changing the coordinate system of politics. The „epoch of the nation state“ is drawing to its end. Dirk Messner discusses four core elements involved in the change of the architecture of politics in the „era of globalism“: (1) the rapidly growing differentiation of the foreign relations of nation states as an indicator of the erosion of the classical bounds of domestic and foreign policy; (2) the trend toward the formation of a world society; (3) the growing density of transboundary networks and global problems that lead not only to an increase of international relations based on interdependency (a phenomenon long familiar to us) but to an erosion of the „internal sovereignty“ of nation states, which is turning the rules of international and global politics upside down; (4) the change of the form of political power under the conditions of globalization.


Author(s):  
Lauren Frances Turek

This chapter explores how evangelical internationalism developed into a focused vision for U.S. foreign relations that provided the foundation for political advocacy on a wide range of global issues by the late 1970s and early 1980s. It argues that a powerful evangelical foreign policy emerged in response to growing anxieties about developments in international relations. It also explains how evangelicals drew on their connections with coreligionists abroad and combined their spiritual beliefs with human rights language in order to build support among policymakers for the cause of international religious liberty. The chapter reflects the layered and multimodal nature of evangelical internationalist development and of the foreign policy challenges that evangelical activists confronted. It also reveals how evangelical leaders, missionaries, and interest groups drew on their political power and the international evangelical network to shape international relations and national policies in the United States, the Soviet Union, Guatemala, and South Africa.


2021 ◽  
pp. 205789112110079
Author(s):  
Syed Muhammad Saad Zaidi ◽  
Azhar Ahmad

The relations between Pakistan and the United States, throughout the course of history, have witnessed many ups and downs. At times, when their interests were aligned, strong socio-economic and military cooperation was seen between the two states. Yet, on other occasions they were at odds with and distant from each other. However, post 9/11, Pakistan–US relations were at its zenith, when Pakistan became the frontline ally of the US in the war against terrorism in Afghanistan, and the US granted Pakistan the prestigious status of non-NATO ally. Soon after, though, the partnership between the two states was in troubled waters: when the US repeatedly violated Pakistan’s sovereignty through drone strikes and covert ops, it diplomatically painted Pakistan as the bad guy by claiming it to be part of the problem (terrorism), not the solution, and by promoting India within the region. Furthermore, when Pakistan became part of China’s New Silk Road initiative, commonly known as the Belt and Road Initiative, Pakistan–US relations saw its lowest point in history. This article critically analyzes post-9/11 Pakistan–US relations by application of two mainstream theories of international relations in tandem: Realism and (Neo)structural Realism. Realism explains the US foreign policy rationale, while Structural Realism explains Pakistan’s foreign policy choices in relation to the US.


2019 ◽  
pp. 99-108
Author(s):  
Xiaoyu Pu

The concluding chapter summarizes the findings and implications for China’s foreign policy, status politics, and signaling in international relations more broadly. Applying the analytical framework of status signaling, the chapter also provides a preliminary analysis of Xi Jinping’s foreign policy in a new era.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fauzia Darabu, Prof. Dr. Sayeda Daud

Pakistan has a long history of economic and political instability despite being an ally of the west. All national and external decisions were dependent on the interests of these powers. Pakistan never had the opportunity to establish either a strong democratic government or to pursue any independent, foreign relations since 1947specially during Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, in December, 1979. Despite of sacrificing lives of many of her citizens during the War on Terror after 9/11, instead of appreciation form the West especially the US, Pakistan was labeled as a terrorist and an extremist Muslim Country. Kept isolated from the International Community, Pakistan was left no choice but to look for a more regional ally with common interests. Joining hands with China, the most trusted friend and an economic giant, seemed the only option. In this way, Pakistan hoped to play a better international role by having relations with all players in the region. To find out the root causes of these problems, a Qualitative Research Method was applied for a descriptive, in-depth critical analysis by, reliable and authentic primary and secondary sources. This research has made an attempt to clarify the risks and the stance of US as a stake holder; China-Pakistan relations, especially in the context of CPEC. The research has tried to highlight the importance of a state’s self-reliance and freedom to have an independent foreign policy of a developing country like Pakistan.


2022 ◽  
Vol 98 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-123
Author(s):  
Randolph B Persaud

Abstract This article argues that Disciplinary International Relations (DIR) does not only explain international affairs, but it also socializes and hegemonizes publics and professionals into an ideological worldview consistent with the interest of states that underwrite the world economic and security order based on hegemonic liberalism. Considerable emphasis is placed on tracing the continuities between the early theorization of IR in the United Kingdom and the United States, and the contemporary academic/foreign policy/security ‘complex’ dedicated to the maintenance of a hegemonic world order. The article demonstrates that the call for a greater theory–policy nexus in international affairs is redundant because leading American scholars double up as policy-makers, either directly or through other avenues such as consultancies. Some of the most prominent IR scholars, such as Michael Doyle, John Lewis Gaddis, Samuel Huntington, G. John Ikenberry, Stephen Krasner, Theodore H. Moran, Joseph Nye and Anne-Marie Slaughter, among others, have served in high-level positions in the United States foreign policy and security apparatus. The article also shows the ways in which in the early days of IR theorizing in the UK, scholars such as Lionel Curtis, Alfred Zimmern and Norman Angell doubled as staunch defenders of the British Empire, albeit in the language of liberal internationalism.


Author(s):  
Michael W. Doyle

This chapter examines the implications of liberalism for foreign policy and foreign policy analysis. Liberal countries have long been known to maintain peaceful relations with each other. Liberal democracies tend to respect and accommodate other democratic countries and negotiate rather than escalate their inter-liberal disputes. However, liberalism can also exacerbate tensions with non-liberal states. The chapter first considers what scholars have meant by liberalism before describing the major features of liberal foreign relations and the three schools of liberal foreign policy analysis: individualist, commercial, and republican. It then explores the effects of liberalism on the international relations of liberal states: incentives for a separate zone of peace among liberal states, imprudent aggression against nonliberals, and complaisance in vital matters of security and economic cooperation. It concludes with reflections on preserving and expanding the liberal peace — while avoiding war with the wider non-liberal world.


Author(s):  
Kenneth Weisbrode

Diplomacy’s role in foreign policy is hampered by multiple understandings of what diplomacy is and does. A broad definition of diplomacy holds that it encompasses more than the promotion of peaceful international relations. Instead, it applies to the sum of those relations—peaceful, hostile, and everything in between. Thus, foreign relations—so long as they involve the interests, direction, and actions of a sovereign power—may be regarded as being synonymous with diplomatic relations, whereby foreign policy relates to the theory and practice of setting diplomatic priorities; planning for contingencies; advancing strategic, operational, and tactical diplomatic aims; and adjusting those aims to domestic and foreign constraints. This conception of diplomacy is functional: it emphasizes the roles of diplomats and recognizes that many other people perform these roles besides official envoys; and it illustrates that diplomatic settings—and the means, methods, and tools of diplomacy—undergo continuous change. The basic mediating purpose of diplomacy, however, has endured, as has much of its institutional apparatus—embassies, ambassadors, treaties, and so on. This is likely to remain the case so long as there are multiple polities in the world, all having to relate to one another.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document