scholarly journals New Era in Pakistan’s Foreign Policy: Problems and Prospects

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fauzia Darabu, Prof. Dr. Sayeda Daud

Pakistan has a long history of economic and political instability despite being an ally of the west. All national and external decisions were dependent on the interests of these powers. Pakistan never had the opportunity to establish either a strong democratic government or to pursue any independent, foreign relations since 1947specially during Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, in December, 1979. Despite of sacrificing lives of many of her citizens during the War on Terror after 9/11, instead of appreciation form the West especially the US, Pakistan was labeled as a terrorist and an extremist Muslim Country. Kept isolated from the International Community, Pakistan was left no choice but to look for a more regional ally with common interests. Joining hands with China, the most trusted friend and an economic giant, seemed the only option. In this way, Pakistan hoped to play a better international role by having relations with all players in the region. To find out the root causes of these problems, a Qualitative Research Method was applied for a descriptive, in-depth critical analysis by, reliable and authentic primary and secondary sources. This research has made an attempt to clarify the risks and the stance of US as a stake holder; China-Pakistan relations, especially in the context of CPEC. The research has tried to highlight the importance of a state’s self-reliance and freedom to have an independent foreign policy of a developing country like Pakistan.

2020 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 95-139
Author(s):  
Michael McFaul

Why did Russia's relations with the West shift from cooperation a few decades ago to a new era of confrontation today? Some explanations focus narrowly on changes in the balance of power in the international system, or trace historic parallels and cultural continuities in Russian international behavior. For a complete understanding of Russian foreign policy today, individuals, ideas, and institutions—President Vladimir Putin, Putinism, and autocracy—must be added to the analysis. An examination of three cases of recent Russian intervention (in Ukraine in 2014, Syria in 2015, and the United States in 2016) illuminates the causal influence of these domestic determinants in the making of Russian foreign policy.


Author(s):  
Hafizullah Emadi

Abstract Although Afghanistan is predominantly a Muslim country, the Christian faith has found adherents in the country. Prior to building a church the community gathered in a designated house to practice their faith. After a church was established members of the community, Christian expatriates and members of the diplomatic community attended religious services there. The number of Muslim converts grew over time and each had a mission to convert fellow friends to the faith. Muslim converts were careful not to disclose their faith to anyone unless they had full trust in that person knowing that he will not disclose their identity even if they did not embrace the faith. The situation of the Christian community improved somewhat during the constitutional monarchy (1963–1973) as the 1964 Constitution allowed freedom of expression and of association, etc. The community remained quiet and exercised caution in practicing their faith during the republic an regime (1973–1978). Political repression after the establishment of the pro-Soviet regime in April 1978 and subsequent Soviet invasion (December 1979-February 1989) caused a number of Christians to leave to the safety of Pakistan and India trying to seek asylum to countries in the West. In exile, Muslim converts become active in organizing themselves and propagating the faith through translation of Christian literature to the Persian language and making them available to their fellow countrymen.


2005 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 501-521 ◽  
Author(s):  
T.A. Keenleyside ◽  
B.E. Burton ◽  
W.C. Soderlund

This article reports on the findings of what appears to be the first content analysis of all aspects of Canadian press coverage of Canadian foreign relations. Six major/newspapers were chosen on the basis of national significance and linguistic and regional considerations: the Halifax Chronicle-Herald, Le Devoir (Montréal), La Presse (Montréal), the Ottawa Citizen, the Toronto Globe and Mail and the Vancouver Sun. During the period studied (the last quarter of 1982), these newspapers averaged nearly nine items per issue on Canadian foreign relations and relied predominantly on Canadian sources for their material. However, there was a relative lack of analytic coverage and only a limited number of items that adopted supportive or critical positions on the various issues in Canadian foreign policy. Commercial matters received both the most extensive and the most sophisticated treatment, while the reporting of political subjects was generally less detailed and often superficial. In terms of relationships, that with the United States was arguably the only one to receive adequate coverage, while from the standpoint of issues there were several that received insufficient attention, such an environmental problems in relations with the United States, Canadian concerns at the United Nations, and international developmental matters. One of the most notable differences in coverage among the papers studied was the variation found in the attention paid to the international role of Quebec, which received only scant attention in the English-language press but was the single most frequently coded theme in the Quebec newspapers. While analytic coverage was found to be more extensive and profound in the Globe and Mail, Le Devoir and La Presse than in the other three papers, the authors in general agree with De Montigny Marchand that Canadian newspapers are "an uncertain intellectual force in the definition and interpretation of Canadian foreign policy".


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Abdul, Mughis Irfan Siddeqi

This study examines the Saudis foreign policy towards Iran and the situation in Middle East due to Saudis proxies in Syria, Bahrain and Yemen. It also seeks the growing Iranian influence and interest in Middle East causing a sense of unrest for Gulf States. This article also encompasses the factors under which great Sunni alliance has been formed and the Saudis attempt to isolate Iran at least in the Islamic world. This article is conceptual in nature as it relies to a large extent on secondary sources of data i.e Print and electronic media. It also throws light on the current situation in Middle East and the religious, ideological, geostrategic concerns and geopolitical rivalry of two great nations i.e of Iran and Saudis. This paper also discusses the Saudis expectations from the west and particularly from America and growing ties of Iran with America and the west. It also highlights on silent character of Israel and the rising threat of ISIS in Middle East.  


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. e58859
Author(s):  
Patrícia Oliveira ◽  
Tiago Nery

A partir dos anos 1980, fatores domésticos e sistêmicos contribuíram para que a política externa começasse a incorporar novos atores e temas para além das questões relativas à defesa e à segurança. Nesse contexto, a dimensão subnacional da política externa passou a ganhar cada vez mais importância com a atuação de estados e municípios em busca de um maior protagonismo internacional. Em 2020, com o surto global do coronavírus, essa atuação tem ganhado destaque pela incessante busca de parcerias internacionais para combater a doença, muitas vezes contrariando o governo federal, cuja atuação tem sido marcada pela falta de coordenação e até mesmo pelo conflito entre a União e os entes federativos. De natureza qualitativa, esse artigo utilizará fontes primárias e secundárias a fim de compreender a política externa subnacional voltada para o combate à pandemia.Palavras-chave: Política externa brasileira; paradiplomacia; coronavírus. ABSTRACTSince the 1980s, domestic and systemic factors contributed to the incorporation of new actors and themes in addition to defense and security issues at the foreign policy agenda. In this context, the action of states and municipalities searching for a greater international role result in a growth of importance of the subnational dimension of foreign policy. In 2020, with the global outbreak of coronavirus, this performance has gained prominence due to the subnational governments incessant search for international partnerships to fight the disease, often contradicting the federal government, whose performance has been marked by the lack of coordination and even by the conflict between the Union and federative entities. As a qualitative research, this article will use primary and secondary sources in order to understand the subnational foreign policy aimed at combating the pandemic.Keywords: Brazilian foreign policy; paradiplomacy; coronavirus. Recebido em: 01 abr. 2021 | Aceito em: 20 mai. 2021.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (6) ◽  
pp. 95
Author(s):  
Iqra Jathol ◽  
Muhammad Qazafi ◽  
Tahir Husain

The changes in international politics caused change in foreign policies of the states. The governments of many countries began to develop foreign policies to alliances and relations. According to with the "Look to the Iranian government, the East" can serve Iran's national interests and can break dependence on the West and balanced foreign policy problems: political isolation logical isolation. These are caused by Iran's foreign policy; Iran has rejected the prevailing norms of the international system and the regional dynamics. The immediate consequences are: political showdown with the West particularly the U.S. and in the region tensions have increased with the neighbors. At the same time Iran heavily relies on its oil and gas revenue to achieve an economic growth. At this time when Iran is facing increasing international isolation, "Look to the East" policy can serve as fine recipe for its stagnated oil business and the Asian nations. Iranian state is looking proactively towards the Asian Countries especially India. Iran’s foreign policy raises many unanswered questions. The objectives of study to provide an account and assessment of Iran’s relations with the outside world within these new systemic conditions and account of Iran’s relations with the rest of the world will be preceded by a brief historical account of these relations. The study tries to highlight about Iran’s foreign policy? How does Iran define its interests and choose to pursue them? Is this a matter to be explained or to be understood? Is its foreign policy based on words or deeds, behavior or action?


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 137-151
Author(s):  
Narayan Adhikari ◽  
Manoj Thapa

Nepal entered to federal republic era after promulgation of new constitution in 2015. An alliance of communist parties – now unified into a single party, Nepal Communist Party (NCP) – obtained nearby two-third majority in 2017 legislative election. Four major diplomatic activities of in this new era are remarkable: frequent visit of high level delegates to Nepal, diversification of foreign relations, military exchange in bilateral and multilateral sector, and active participation in strategic projects of global superpowers. Where Nepal is emphasizing in its foreign relations? What is the Nepal government's interpretation with new changes? This study examines these questions to identify and access Nepal's contemporary foreign policy. It, moreover, examines whether we can interpret these change based on (neo) realist perspective - a predominant worldview in interpreting Nepal's role and position in international relations.


1952 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. E. Corbett

American foreign policy has recently become a favorite target-area for attacks upon an alleged moralizing and legalistic habit which ignores or condemns national interest. The criticism runs the whole gamut of our relations with the world outside, focusing with final virulence upon our effort to find peace in the United Nations. It covers most of the nation's history, tracing the decline from “realism” to moralistic fantasy back to the moment when the genius of the Federalists began to be corrupted by Jeffersonian sentimentalism. The vast complex of today's foreign relations furnishes innumerable points of assault. A folly of self-righteousness has led us—so the indictment reads—into tragic error in China, in Korea, in the Near and Middle East, even (though here some of the accusers desert) in Europe. We give quixotically where we should sell; but our purse-strings are tied with moral scruples where we should be lavish. Shrinking from the open use of power, we enter into wasteful and entangling alliances where we should keep a free hand. Crusading in the name of democracy and disregarding the limits of our resources, we undertake to assist peoples anywhere to establish free governments in the face of intervention from Moscow. We take up arms for the utopian aims of an international organization set up in postwar zeal for a new era and maintained at our expense. A course in this literature of calamity leaves us wondering how the nation has survived. It sounds like the dirge for a fallen empire.


Itinerario ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 62-79
Author(s):  
W.J. Boot

In the pre-modern period, Japanese identity was articulated in contrast with China. It was, however, articulated in reference to criteria that were commonly accepted in the whole East-Asian cultural sphere; criteria, therefore, that were Chinese in origin.One of the fields in which Japan's conception of a Japanese identity was enacted was that of foreign relations, i.e. of Japan's relations with China, the various kingdoms in Korea, and from the second half of the sixteenth century onwards, with the Portuguese, Spaniards, Dutchmen, and the Kingdom of the Ryūkū.


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