scholarly journals Crisis, Power, and Policymaking in the New Europe

2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Bilge Firat

At a time when European integration faces many crises, the efficacy of public policies decided in Brussels, and in member state capitals, for managing the everyday lives of average Europeans demands scrutiny. Most attuned to how global uncertainties interact with local realities, anthropologists and ethnographers have paid scant attention to public policies that are created by the EU, by member state governments and by local authorities, and to the collective, organised, and individual responses they elicit in this part of the world. Our critical faculties and means to test out established relations between global–local, centre–periphery, macro–micro are crucial to see how far the EU's normative power and European integration as a governance model permeates peoples' and states' lives in Europe, broadly defined. Identifying the strengths and shortcomings in the literature, this review essay scrutinises anthropological scholarship on culture, power and policy in a post-Foucaultian Europe.

Author(s):  
Christopher Bickerton

This chapter explores the role of member states in European integration. It first looks at the idea of member statehood, exploring its ambiguities and arguing for a more sophisticated understanding of what it means to be a ‘member state’ of the EU. The chapter considers in detail the role played by member states in the EU, highlighting in particular the centrality of member state governments and their power to EU policy-making and its institutions. At the same time it notes the relative absence of member state publics. The chapter ends with a reflection on whether there is a return of the nation-state, with its associated trends of nationalism and inter-state rivalry.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
André S. Berne ◽  
Jelena Ceranic Perisic ◽  
Viorel Cibotaru ◽  
Alex de Ruyter ◽  
Ivana Kunda ◽  
...  

Crises are not a new phenomenon in the context of European integration. Additional integration steps could often only be achieved under the pressure of crises.  At present, however, the EU is characterised by multiple crises, so that the integration process as a whole is sometimes being questioned. In 2015, the crisis in the eurozone had escalated to such an extent that for the first time a member state was threatened to leave the eurozone. Furthermore, the massive influx of refugees into the EU has revealed the shortcomings of the Schengen area and the common asylum policy. Finally, with the majority vote of the British in the referendum of 23 June 2016 in favour of the Brexit, the withdrawal of a member state became a reality for the first time. Even in the words of the European Commission, the EU has reached a crossroads. Against this background, the twelfth Network Europe conference included talks on the numerous challenges and future integration scenarios in Europe. 


Author(s):  
Charlie Jeffery

This chapter looks at Europeanization through the lens of how the German Länder have responded to challenges posed by European integration since 1985. It does this by conceiving of ‘Europeanization’ as a two-way process in which the EU imposes adaptational pressures on, but is also subject to adaptational pressures from, the Länder. The chapter also uses the timescale of fifteen years to explore the dynamics of Europeanization. It finds that the Länder have persistently sought to minimize any perceived ‘misfit’ between the EU decision-making process and their domestic role as constituent units of the German federation. The nature of the misfit, and ideas on its resolution, have, however, changed over time as both the EU and Germany have adapted to the post-Cold War era. An initial concern for winning collective rights of access to a deepening EU is now being supplanted by a concern to protect individual Länder autonomy within the framework of the German member state from what is increasingly perceived as an unnecessarily interventionist EU.


2021 ◽  
pp. 112-133
Author(s):  
Alasdair R. Young

This chapter presents the EU’s responses with respect to three closely related policies: the approval of genetically modified (GM) crops for sale and (separately) for cultivation and efforts to lift member state bans on EU-approved GM varieties. These most similar cases differ in outcome; with the EU resuming approvals for sale (a change sufficient to placate Argentina and Canada, but not the United States), but not for cultivation and failing to address member state bans despite very permissive decision rules. In these cases, no tariffs were threatened and there was no exporter mobilization. Commission trade officials did push to accelerate approvals. The Commission, which was more favorably disposed toward biotechnology than most of the member states, was able, with the help of very a permissive decision rule, to overcome opposition to approvals for sale, but not for cultivation, reflecting greater concern among regulators about the environmental impacts of GM cultivation than about the safety of GM varieties. The member state governments also balked at forcing their peers to change their policies. There is little evidence that the WTO’s adverse ruling affected any of the protagonists’ preferences.


Author(s):  
Alasdair R. Young

This chapter introduces the importance of EU trade policy both to the European integration project and to the EU’s role in the world. It explains how different aspects of trade policy are made. The chapter also charts how the emphasis of EU trade policy has shifted from prioritizing multilateral negotiations to pursuing bilateral agreements. It considers how the EU has responded to the apparent politicization of trade policy within Europe and to the United States’ more protectionist and unilateral trade policy. It also considers Brexit EU trade policy and how trade policy complicated Brexit. It argues that there has been considerable continuity in EU trade policy despite these challenges.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher J. Williams

Do public attitudes concerning the European Union affect the speed with which member states transpose European directives? It is posited in this article that member state governments do respond to public attitudes regarding the EU when transposing European directives. Specifically, it is hypothesized that member state governments slow transposition of directives when aggregate public Euroskepticism is greater. This expectation is tested using extended Cox proportional hazard modeling and data derived from the EU’s legislative archives, the official journals of EU member states, and the Eurobarometer survey series. It is found that member state governments do slow transposition in response to higher aggregate public Euroskepticism. These findings have important implications for the study of European policy implementation, as well as for our understanding of political responsiveness in the EU.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-191
Author(s):  
Christopher Walsch

Abstract This article explores whether a new east‑west divide exists in the enlarged European Union by analysing national discourses on European integration in the Visegrad Four (V4) states. Two V4 foreign policy legacies form the basis of analysis: the “Return to Europe” discourse and the discourses around the reconstruction of the historical self. The article gives evidence that the V4 countries share sovereignty in external policies and thus have a distinct European orientation. V4 national‑conservative governments hold sovereigntist positions, however, in policy areas that they consider falling exclusively within the realm of the member state. Comparison with Western European member states gives evidence that the post-1945 paradigm changes were more profound than those of post-1989 ones of Eastern Europe. This historic legacy can explain the more integrationist orientations in Western Europe. The article concludes that behaviour of the individual V4 state seems to be of greater importance for each member than collective V4 group action. Finally, the article gives an outlook on ways in which solidarity between the Western and Eastern halves of the EU can be exercised in an ideologically diverging Union.


European integration is largely seen as a process that has delivered stability and peace, as well as the economic prosperity of the Member States of the European Union (EU). It has helped to raise standards of living and build an internal market. But, there are more and more arguments that the EU decision-making system is not effective and the governance model is obsolete. Some are pointing out increasingly rising divergence on crucial EU policy matters. Others are arguing that the EU has been confronted with the challenge of heterogeneity, stressing the issue of immigration as the one of the most contentious policy matters currently facing the EU. Besides those controversial issues inside EU and different positions among member states there is Brexit. The paper analyses in particular the issue of EU economic governance and one of its main pillars – the European Semester. The Country Specific Recommendations, as the integral part of the economic governance model are presented in a view of the new framework envisaged to tighten budgetary coordination and keep the deficit and debt levels in accordance to the EU rules.


2021 ◽  
pp. 34-41
Author(s):  
Olesya Trahniuk ◽  
Maksym Vytvytsky ◽  
Konstantin Shpak

Problem setting. Since gaining independence, Ukraine has been steadily moving towards integration into European and Euro-Atlantic structures. However, the process of acquiring membership of our state in the European Union is quite long and involves a number of criteria, in particular, in addition to the general ones specified in Art. 49 of the Treaty on European Union of 1993, and additional Copenhagen criteria to be met by the applicant state. European integration processes have a positive impact on the development of Ukraine as a democratic, social, legal state, strengthen its position in the international arena, contribute to economic reforms. Which, in turn, should be demonstrated in practice by bringing Ukraine closer to the requirements set by the EU for states that have expressed a desire to join the union. Recent research on the topic. Various aspects of the issue of European integration were developed primarily by European lawyers and political scientists, among whom the works of K. Baimi, A. Bogdandi, J. Buchanan, M. Burgess, W. Della Sala, A. Dashwood, G. De Burke are of special interest. J. Zimmerman, L. Cartou, N. Catalano, P. King, P. Craig, D. Lassok, S. Leikoff, W. Ostrom, D. Sidzhansky, R. Watts and many other authors. The list of scientific researches is not limited to the works of Western authors, as the integration process is quite dynamic, and therefore scientists are no less interested in the scientific developments of their colleagues from countries seeking to gain EU membership, including Ukrainian lawyers, including I. Bratsuk, O. Golovko-Gavrisheva, V. Kopiyka, T. Komarova, K. Smirnova, L. Luts, M. Mikievich, Z. Makarukha, V. Muravyov, V. Poselsky, R. Petrov, O. Tragnyuk, I. Yakovyuk and others. The purpose of this research is to analyze the current state of the legislative, legal and economic base of Ukraine for compliance with the Copenhagen criteria for accession to the European Union. Article’s main body. The article is devoted to the issue of Ukraine's compliance with each of the Copenhagen criteria. First of all, the authors note that the main purpose of the Copenhagen criteria is to select the most "worthy" applicants for membership in the Union. And compliance with these criteria must indicate the ability of the state to perform the duties of a member state of the Union. In addition, specific examples are given of the requirements that Ukraine has met as of 2021 and that it must meet in the near future. It indicates in which direction Ukraine should move in order to acquire the full status of a member state of the European Union. In conclusion, the opinions of scientists on the prospects of Ukraine's further accession to the European Union are presented. Conclusions and prospects for development. The research shows that Ukraine does not yet fully meet the Copenhagen criteria for accession to the EU, as for a number of objective and subjective reasons there is a lack of stable economic development and a well-established understanding of the direction of the political movement. Despite significant advances, national legislation also needs to be improved. After the entry into force of the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the EU, the development of integration processes has significantly intensified. The implementation of the planned reforms is undoubtedly able to bring our country's accession to the EU closer, which should add optimism and encourage daily work in this direction.


2019 ◽  
pp. 406-424
Author(s):  
Michelle Cini ◽  
Nieves Pérez-Solórzano Borragán

This chapter examines the so-called ‘Brexit’ phenomenon, the first time an existing EU member state has voted in a referendum to leave the Union. The chapter examines the historical context that shaped the UK’s decision to join the EEC and its subsequent relationship with the EU. It charts the events leading to the EU referendum, including the campaign and explains the reasons for the narrow ‘Leave’ vote in the referendum. The Brexit negotiations under Article 50 are discussed by focusing on process, actors, and outcomes, specifically the content of the March 2018 Draft Withdrawal Agreement. The penultimate section of the chapter explains Brexit by drawing on the extant European integration literature with a focus on the concepts of disintegration, differentiated integration, Europeanization, and politicization, while surveying the likely scenarios for a future EU–UK relationship. The chapter ends discussing the impact and implications of Brexit for the EU.


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