Taking Stock of Regional Democratic Trends in Europe Before and During the COVID-19 Pandemic

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keyword(s):  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Severe Form ◽  
The State ◽  
Vulnerable Groups ◽  
Contact Tracing ◽  
The European Union ◽  
High Performing ◽  
Social Protests ◽  
Region 10 ◽  
The Relationship

This GSoD In Focus aims at providing a brief overview of the state of democracy in Europe at the end of 2019, prior to the outbreak of the pandemic, and then assesses some of the preliminary impacts that the pandemic has had on democracy in the region in the last 10 months. Key facts and findings include: • The COVID-19 pandemic arrived in a largely democratic Europe. Only 4 countries in the region (10 per cent) are not democracies, while many of the democracies are high performing. • Democracy in Europe, however, has in recent years experienced erosion and backsliding. More than half of European democracies have eroded in the last 5 years. In particular, 3 countries—Hungary, Poland and Serbia—have registered a more severe form of erosion, called democratic backsliding, with Hungary regressing on its democratic standards for the past 14 years. • The pandemic has intensified these pre-existing concerns. The 3 backsliding countries in Europe have implemented a number of measures to curb the pandemic that are concerning from a democracy standpoint. • The main democratic challenges caused by the pandemic in Europe pertain to the disruption of electoral cycles, curtailment of civil liberties, the use of contact tracing apps, the increase in gender inequality and domestic violence, risks to vulnerable groups, executive aggrandizement, protest waves, corruption cases and challenges in the relationship between local and national governance. • Europe’s democracies have mostly showed resilience, and opportunities for furthering the integrity of elections, for digitalization and for innovative social protests have arisen. The review of the state of democracy during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 uses qualitative analysis and data of events and trends in the region collected through International IDEA’s Global Monitor of COVID-19’s Impact on Democracy and Human Rights, an initiative co-funded by the European Union.

scholarly journals Does Energy Dependence Threaten the State Economy?

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-22
Author(s):  
Eliska Strakova ◽  
Eva Kalinova
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
European Union ◽  
Energy Dependence ◽  
Pearson Correlation ◽  
The State ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Potential Threat ◽  
State Economy ◽  
Macroeconomic Indicators ◽  
The Relationship

The combination of the need to adjust the energy mix in favor of the environment and the demands on energy consumption and at the same time on the economic growth of states leads to an increase in energy dependence. The high level of energy dependence is often cited as a potential threat to the economic growth of the state. The aim of the paper is to find out whether there is a correlation between macroeconomic indicators and the degree of energy dependence. Using the Pearson correlation coefficient, we examine the strength of the relationship between GDP, trade balance, inflation, unemployment and the degree of energy dependence on the example of the states of the European Union in the period 2005 2018. The results of the research show that the relationship between the degree of energy dependence and macroeconomic indicators for the European Union is completely individual and the strength and direction of correlation varies from country to country. Combining the degree of energy dependence in general with the direct threat to economic growth therefore proves to be misleading and it is necessary to always deal with a specific state in this matter and take into account other factors that could affect the relationship under study. These conclusions represent the beginning of a paradigm shift that energy dependence threatens the state economy, and therefore more emphasis can be placed on other aspects, such as the environmental ones, when adopting new energy strategies.

Taking Stock of Regional Democratic Trends in Asia and the Pacific Before and During the COVID-19 Pandemic

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
The State ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Vulnerable Groups ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
The World

This GSoD In Focus Special Brief provides an overview of the state of democracy in Asia and the Pacific at the end of 2019, prior to the outbreak of the pandemic, and assesses some of the preliminary impacts that the pandemic has had on democracy in the region in 2020. Key fact and findings include: • Prior to the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, countries across Asia and the Pacific faced a range of democratic challenges. Chief among these were continuing political fragility, violent conflict, recurrent military interference in the political sphere, enduring hybridity, deepening autocratization, creeping ethnonationalism, advancing populist leadership, democratic backsliding, shrinking civic space, the spread of disinformation, and weakened checks and balances. The crisis conditions engendered by the pandemic risk further entrenching and/or intensifying the negative democratic trends observable in the region prior to the COVID-19 outbreak. • Across the region, governments have been using the conditions created by the pandemic to expand executive power and restrict individual rights. Aspects of democratic practice that have been significantly impacted by anti-pandemic measures include the exercise of fundamental rights (notably freedom of assembly and free speech). Some countries have also seen deepened religious polarization and discrimination. Women, vulnerable groups, and ethnic and religious minorities have been disproportionately affected by the pandemic and discriminated against in the enforcement of lockdowns. There have been disruptions of electoral processes, increased state surveillance in some countries, and increased influence of the military. This is particularly concerning in new, fragile or backsliding democracies, which risk further eroding their already fragile democratic bases. • As in other regions, however, the pandemic has also led to a range of innovations and changes in the way democratic actors, such as parliaments, political parties, electoral commissions, civil society organizations and courts, conduct their work. In a number of countries, for example, government ministries, electoral commissions, legislators, health officials and civil society have developed innovative new online tools for keeping the public informed about national efforts to combat the pandemic. And some legislatures are figuring out new ways to hold government to account in the absence of real-time parliamentary meetings. • The consideration of political regime type in debates around ways of containing the pandemic also assumes particular relevance in Asia and the Pacific, a region that houses high-performing democracies, such as New Zealand and the Republic of Korea (South Korea), a mid-range performer (Taiwan), and also non-democratic regimes, such as China, Singapore and Viet Nam—all of which have, as of December 2020, among the lowest per capita deaths from COVID-19 in the world. While these countries have all so far managed to contain the virus with fewer fatalities than in the rest of the world, the authoritarian regimes have done so at a high human rights cost, whereas the democracies have done so while adhering to democratic principles, proving that the pandemic can effectively be fought through democratic means and does not necessarily require a trade off between public health and democracy. • The massive disruption induced by the pandemic can be an unparalleled opportunity for democratic learning, change and renovation in the region. Strengthening democratic institutions and processes across the region needs to go hand in hand with curbing the pandemic. Rebuilding societies and economic structures in its aftermath will likewise require strong, sustainable and healthy democracies, capable of tackling the gargantuan challenges ahead. The review of the state of democracy during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 uses qualitative analysis and data of events and trends in the region collected through International IDEA’s Global Monitor of COVID-19’s Impact on Democracy and Human Rights, an initiative co-funded by the European Union.

Digital State Strategy

2022 ◽  
pp. 435-488
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Graphical Models ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Smart City ◽  
The State ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Application Systems ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
State Configuration

The purpose of this chapter is to characterize indicators used to advance the computerization of various countries in the European Union (EU) and across the globe. To this end, typical state computerization configurations are classified, and graphical models of critical computerization application systems are presented for each type. Smart city concepts are included in one of the configurations. The chapter begins by examining the history of the development of computerization in the state. It then discusses how, in the 21st century, computerization has changed the relationship between governments and businesses. Next, criteria for assessing computerization are discussed. This is followed by a discussion of different computerization configurations, including the state offline configuration (SOFC), state online configuration (SONC), state integrated configuration (SITC), and others. The chapter concludes by examining Poland's state configuration, which aimed at helping their economic strategy during 2016-2020.

scholarly journals The EU law and the law of third countries: problems of interaction

2021 ◽  
Vol 118 ◽  
pp. 02003
Author(s):  
Dmitriy Viacheslavovich Galushko ◽  
Natalya Valerievna Oganova ◽  
Andrey Leonidovich Belousov ◽  
Elena Valerievna Grigorovich ◽  
Aleksey Valerievich Sereda
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Legal System ◽  
The State ◽  
Legal Systems ◽  
The European Union ◽  
International Treaties ◽  
European Union Law ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Respective State ◽  
The Eu

The article discusses the problems of the interaction process of legal systems of international integration organizations with law of states that are not members of those entities. The research has been conducted on the example of the European Union. The authors conclude that the degree of influence of the international treaties between the EU and third countries on the legal orders of these states differs depending on the level of cooperation between the parties, which is precisely determined by such agreements. The European Union law is the main means of spreading the influence of the European Union on the legal systems of non-member states. Approximation of national legislation with the European Union’s acquis is a consistent process of approximation of the legal system of the state, including legislation, lawmaking, legal technique, law enforcement practice in accordance with the criteria set by the Union. Peculiarities of the legal approximation of law of particular states with law of the European Union are determined by the nature of the relationship between those subjects, by the goals set for such cooperation and fixed in mutual international treaties, as well as by the peculiarities of the state mechanism and the legal system of the respective state. Consequently, regarding European Union – Russia interaction in the field, regulatory engagement can be hardly called as efficient, smooth, and cloudless.

scholarly journals Prawa i obowiązki kierujących pojazdami oraz uprawnienia organów kontroli w świetle nowych przepisów o kontroli ruchu drogowego

2019 ◽  
pp. 277-289
Author(s):  
Artur Mezglewski
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Traffic Control ◽  
Road Traffic ◽  
The State ◽  
Legal Order ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Commercial Vehicles ◽  
The Relationship

The purpose of the publication is to assess the actual legal effects caused by the new regulation of 5 November 2019 on road traffic control in the area of the relationship between the inspector and the inspector. Contrary to widespread media views, the new provisions do not contain any revolutionary changes, but merely recite to the state legal order the European Union regulations of 2014 regarding technical inspections of commercial vehicles, or renew the old provisions of the repealed regulation. It is also noted that the new regulation includes several provisions that were issued without statutory delegation and relate to the rights and obligations of drivers. Their legality is therefore questionable.

European Law as Transnational Law – Europe Has to Be Conceived as an Heterarchical Network and Not as a Superstate!

2009 ◽  
Vol 10 (10) ◽  
pp. 1357-1365 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karl-Heinz Ladeur
Keyword(s):  
Direct Relationship ◽  
The State ◽  
Public Deliberation ◽  
European Law ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Core Element ◽  
The Core ◽  
The One ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Relationship

Due to the Europeanisation of law, and the constitutionalisation of the European Union in particular, the Habermas argument seems to be quite appealing to many. Globalisation is interpreted as having curbed the State's capability to impose norms on the transnational process of expanding markets. This evolution seems to have not only reduced the action potential of the State but, at the same time and even more importantly, it also has reduced the value of citizenship. Citizenship can no longer be the core element of the relationship between the individual and the State in the postmodern society. It cannot be constituted via a direct relationship with the State, which at the same time constitutes the realm of deliberation because the diffuse networks of transnational inter-relationships beyond the State cannot be reflected by the process of public deliberation. The space of the State is, on the one hand, too small. On the other hand, it may appear to be too big. Against this background Europe cannot be regarded as the bearer of the European acquis étatique (the acquired state).

Is Turkey a Favorable Environment for FDIs?

2020 ◽  
pp. 157-170
Author(s):  
Memduh Alper Demir
Keyword(s):  
Economic Freedom ◽  
Stochastic Frontier Analysis ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Foreign Direct Investments ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Factors Affecting ◽  
Economic Freedom Index ◽  
The Relationship

The aim of this chapter is to measure the impact of institutional variables such as economic freedom and democracy on foreign direct investment from the European Union to Turkey. In this framework, the author models institutional factors affecting foreign direct investments. The model includes economic freedom index, political rights, civil liberties of Turkey, and Gross Domestic Products of selected European countries. In theoretical part, the perspective of institutional economics on economic freedoms and democracy is discussed. A brief literature about the relationship between foreign direct investments and economic freedoms and democracy is revealed. Stochastic frontier analysis was used in the implementation to show the relationship between variables and efficiency of European countries' foreign direct investments to Turkey. Proposals for policy implication have been made in the conclusion part. This chapter shows civil liberties and economic freedom index have positive effect on foreign direct investments that supports institutionalists.

8. Europeanization

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tanja A. Börzel ◽  
Diana Panke
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
State Of The Art ◽  
The State ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Foreseeable Future ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Bottom Up ◽  
Important Field ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Eu

This chapter examines the concept of Europeanization and why it has become prominent in research on the European Union and its member states. It first explains what Europeanization means before discussing the main approaches used in studying Europeanization. It then reviews the state of the art with particular reference to ‘top-down’ Europeanization (how the EU affects states) and illustrates the theoretical arguments with empirical examples. It also considers ‘bottom-up’ Europeanization (how states can influence the EU), offers some theoretical explanations for the empirical patterns observed, and provides an overview of research that explores the relationship between bottom-up and top-down Europeanization. Finally, it reflects on the future of Europeanization research and suggests that Europeanization will continue to be an important field of EU research for the foreseeable future.

Taking Stock of Regional Democratic Trends in Latin America and the Caribbean Before and During the COVID-19 Pandemic

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The State ◽  
Vulnerable Groups ◽  
Caribbean Region ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Structural Problems ◽  
The Caribbean

This GSoD In Focus Special Brief provides an overview of the state of democracy of Latin America and the Caribbean at the end of 2019, prior to the outbreak of the pandemic, and assesses some of the preliminary impacts that the pandemic has had on democracy in the region in 2020. Key findings include: • Democratically, the region was ailing prior to the pandemic, with some countries suffering from democratic erosion or backsliding, others from democratic fragility and weakness. Overall, trust in democracy had been in steady decline in the decade preceding the pandemic. Citizen discontent has culminated in a protest wave hitting several countries in the region at the end of 2019. • The COVID-19 pandemic has hit a Latin American and Caribbean region plagued by unresolved structural problems of high crime and violence, political fragmentation and polarization, high poverty and inequality, corruption, and weak states. • Long-overdue political and socio-economic reforms have compounded the health and economic crises caused by the pandemic. This, coupled with heavy-handed approaches to curb the virus, risk further entrenching or exacerbating the concerning democratic trends observed in the region prior to the COVID-19 outbreak. • The challenges to democracy Latin America and the Caribbean during the pandemic include: the postponement of elections; excessive use of police force to enforce restrictions implemented to curb the pandemic; use of the military to carry out civil tasks; persistent crime and violence; new dangers for the right to privacy; increases in gender inequality and domestic violence; new risks posed to vulnerable groups; limited access to justice; restrictions on freedom of expression; executive overreach; reduced parliamentary oversight; political polarization and clashes between democratic institutions; new openings for corruption; and a discontented socially mobilized citizenry that rejects traditional forms of political representation. • Despite the challenges, the crisis ultimately provides a historic opportunity to redefine the terms of social contracts across the region, and for governments to think innovatively about how to open up spaces for dialogue and civic participation in order to build more inclusive, sustainable and interconnected societies, as well as more accountable, transparent and efficient democratic systems of government. The review of the state of democracy during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 uses qualitative analysis and data of events and trends in the region collected through International IDEA’s Global Monitor of COVID-19’s Impact on Democracy and Human Rights, an initiative co-funded by the European Union.

Emotion Appraisals Predict Neuroticism and Extraversion

2015 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Andrew Comensoli ◽  
Carolyn MacCann
Keyword(s):  
University Students ◽  
The State ◽  
The Relationship

The current study proposes and refines the Appraisals in Personality (AIP) model in a multilevel investigation of whether appraisal dimensions of emotion predict differences in state neuroticism and extraversion. University students (N = 151) completed a five-factor measure of trait personality, and retrospectively reported seven situations from the previous week, giving state personality and appraisal ratings for each situation. Results indicated that: (a) trait neuroticism and extraversion predicted average levels of state neuroticism and extraversion respectively, and (b) five of the examined appraisal dimensions predicted one, or both of the state neuroticism and extraversion personality domains. However, trait personality did not moderate the relationship between appraisals and state personality. It is concluded that appraisal dimensions of emotion may provide a useful taxonomy for quantifying and comparing situations, and predicting state personality.

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