scholarly journals Das transnationale Kapital und die Bearbeitung der Krise(n) der Europäischen Union

Author(s):  
Mathis Heinrich

The article stresses the ideological and political dominance of productive capital fractions within the power bloc of the European Union (EU), by exemplifying their strategic influence in transnational struggles over the management of the current crises in Europe. Theoretically, it is shown, that the leadership of a fraction within the ruling class does neither result from its economic dominance in accumulation nor its hegemony in society alone, but rather depends on concrete struggles over power and meaning within the power bloc itself. In this regard, the economic and financial crisis management approach of the EU reveals that especially transnational actors from the European industry are able to use the crisis between 2008 and 2013 to further lock-in their global competitiveness strateg y into EU political structures. While the lobby groups of finance capital, although still economically important, are rather losing political ground and get lost in technocratic disputes among each, productive capital associations are holding the ruling class in Brussels together by using their privileged access to EU institutions and subordinating the interests of others capital fractions under the dominant discourse of a global and export-oriented growth regime of the EU.

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Gordon Kofi Sarfo-Adu

The European Union Forest Law Enforcement on Governance and Trade (EU-FLEGT) Action Plan seeks to promote widespread sustainable forest management and relies largely on transnational actors and international law in its operationalization. The EU FLEGT sets out EU custom regulation through Voluntary Partnership Agreements (VPAs) which is a bilateral agreement between the EU and wood exporting countries with instruments aimed at promoting sustainable practices within the forest resources value chain. Ghana became a signatory to the FLEGT VPA since 2007, as part of the process, it is required to use technology to track timber logging from source to point of export. Issues of networks and inter-agency collaboration and dealing with human elements remain crucial in ensuring effective operationalization. Adopting a qualitative case study design as well as theories and concepts from the public policy implementation literature, this study examines the implementation vagaries of the FLEGT VPA in Ghana. Although the VPA is a laudable idea of using Information Technology (IT) in effectively tracking timber to its original source to ascertain legality or otherwise of the timber, the needed IT infrastructure and resources have not matched up with the goal. Additionally, the VPA implementation is expensive and has come with additional cost to the implementers, The study further observes that the increasing ‘red flags’ that are raised on the Ghana Wood Tracking System is a blend of technical errors emanating from negligence or capacity challenges and human manipulation. This calls for regular consultations and workshops with relevant stakeholders in order to assess which skills are deficient and a need to beef up through on-the-job training. The domestic market and trading activities tend to fuel demand for illegal timber hence a constraint to the full realization of the VPA objective. The study makes policy suggestions on how to address these implementation challenges.


2019 ◽  
Vol 57 (4) ◽  
pp. 415-432
Author(s):  
Jelena J. Stanković ◽  
Marija Džunić ◽  
Vesna Janković Milić

AbstractEconomic growth and competitiveness are usually analysed at the level of the national economy in traditional economic research. The problem of competitiveness within this line of thought is mainly regarded from the perspective of determining the sources of sustainable growth, which makes the economy more competitive than others. Competitiveness, therefore, is a multidimensional concept, which includes a range of factors, such as institutions, infrastructure, macroeconomic environment, market, human capital and technological development. Also, the process of joining the European Union significantly stimulates the development of the exact categories that are relevant for acceleration of the economic development. The aim of the paper is to assess the competitiveness of the candidate or potential candidate countries for membership in the European Union, through a comparative analysis of their competitiveness vis-à-vis EU countries. The results indicate that the competitiveness of the EU 15 countries, measured by Global Competitiveness Index and GDP per capita, is statistically significantly higher than the competitiveness of EU country group enlarged in the period 2004-2013, also compared to EU candidate or potential candidate countries. However, when it comes to the pillar of competitiveness related to the macroeconomic environment, according to the latest Global Competitiveness Report (2017-2018), the scores of the EU countries associated with enlargements in the period 2004-2013 are statistically significantly better than the EU 15 countries.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (5) ◽  
pp. 317-324
Author(s):  
Réka Pusztahelyi

This essay deals with certain civil liability implications of artificial intelligent systems in the light of the recent steps taken by the European Union. In order to create not only an ethical but also a lawful AI, the EU strives to lay down the framework of the future common liability rules for damages and harms caused by any application of AI technology. The Commission’s new Proposal (Artificial Intelligence Act, AIA) reflects on an innovative approach to the regulation which can tackle with the special features of the AI systems, lays down rules according to the risk management approach and the class-of-application-by-class-of-application approach. In this essay, the strict-based liability for high-risk AI systems and the concept of the frontend and backend operators are in the focal point.


Author(s):  
Simona Piattoni ◽  
Laura Polverari

Cohesion policy is one of the longest-standing features of the European construction; its roots have been traced as far back as the Treaty of Rome. Over time, it has become one of the most politically salient and sizable policies of the European Union, absorbing approximately one-third of the EU budget. Given its principles and “shared management” approach, it mobilizes many different actors at multiple territorial scales, and by promoting “territorial cooperation” it has encouraged public authorities to work together, thus overcoming national borders. Furthermore, cohesion policy is commonly considered the most significant expression of solidarity between member states and the most tangible way in which EU citizens “experience” the European Union. While retaining its overarching mission of supporting lagging regions and encouraging the harmonious development of the Union, cohesion policy has steadily evolved and adapted in response to new internal and external challenges, such as those generated by subsequent rounds of enlargement, globalization, and shifting political preferences regarding what the EU should be about. Just as the policy has evolved over time in terms of its shape and priorities, so have the theoretical understandings of economic development that underpin its logic, the nature of intergovernmental relations, and the geographical and administrative space(s) within which the EU polity operates. For example, whereas overcoming the physical barriers to economic development were the initial targets in the 1960s and 1970s, and redesigning manufacturing clusters were those of the 1980s and 1990s, fostering advanced knowledge and technological progress became the focus of cohesion policy in the new century. At the same time, cohesion policy also inspired or even became a testing ground for new theories, such as multilevel governance, Europeanization, or smart specialization. Given its redistributive nature, debates have proliferated around its impact, added value, and administrative cost, as well as the institutional characteristics that it requires to function. These deliberations have, in turn, informed the policy in its periodic transformations. Political factors have also played a key role in shaping the evolution of the policy. Each reform has been closely linked to the debates on the European budget, where the net positions of member states have tended to dominate the agenda. An outcome of this process has been the progressive alignment with wider strategic goals beyond cohesion and convergence and the strengthening of linkages with the European Semester. However, some argue that policymakers have failed to properly consider the perverse effects of austerity on regional disparities. These unresolved tensions are particularly significant in a context denoted by a rise of populist and nativist movements, increasing social discontent, and strengthening Euroskepticism. As highlighted by research on its communication, cohesion policy may well be the answer for winning back the hearts and minds of European citizens. Whether and how this may be achieved will likely be the focus of research in the years ahead.


2018 ◽  
Vol III (I) ◽  
pp. 31-38
Author(s):  
Sohail Ahmad ◽  
Inayat Kalim ◽  
Azka Gull

Complex interdependence is the crucial concept of liberalism. If Liberalism believes in democracy, cooperation, mutual benefits, and human rights, then complex interdependence helps the states to achieve these ideals. Moreover, it also minimizes the chances of conflict and war. The military’s role as a tool of foreign policy is limited, and transnational actors take precedence. The core of liberalism and interdependence could be understood more clearly if one applied it to the European Union. With 28 member states, the EU is the most influential intergovernmental organization in the whole world. The EU member states are mostly democratic and can easily be described as welfare states. The multiplex interdependence is a unique feature of the EU which makes it stronger. The EU has different organs which are responsible for drafting the legislature and carrying out different functions of the organization.


2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-19
Author(s):  
Edward Molendowski

The article presents the results of an analysis which attempts to identify the most important factors determining changes in the Polish economy’s internationally competitive position compared to the other new member states of the European Union (EU-10) in the years 2004-2017. The hypothesis that, among the EU-10 states, Poland belongs to those where varied effects of membership have clearly occurred has been put forward. This has greatly influenced the formation of the internationally competitive position of the economy.  In the research, analysis of the secondary data concerning the pillars of the economy’s competitiveness specified in the Global Competitiveness Report has been applied. This has been compiled by the World Economic Forum. The article ends with a summary of the most important conclusions drawn from the presented analysis.


Author(s):  
Aneta Jarosz-Angowska

This paper aims to evaluate the competitive position of China and the European Union in international agricultural and food trade using properly selected measurement indicators and comparing the resulting values with changes in workforce productivity in agriculture. On foreign markets, an improvement in the competitive position of a country/ regional group is equivalent to an increase in the share of a specific entity in export markets. One of the basic determinants of the scale of regional and global competitiveness is workforce productivity. The period of analysis ranges from 2001 to 2017. Data was retrieved from statistics database FAOSTAT and the World Bank. The analysis used indicator-based methods. The studies carried out endorse the statement that a larger improvement in workforce productivity in agriculture in China compared to EU countries had little influence on the international competitive position of that country compared to EU countries. In the analyzed period, the value of the trade coverage ratio (TCR) is decreasing for China and increasing for the EU, as is the value of the relative export orientation index (REO). In the case of China, the negative balance of trade is deepening, while the EU achieves a positive balance in agricultural and food trade in 2010. The results of analyses point to an improvement in the competitive position of the European Union and a deterioration in the position of China in international agricultural and food trade.


Author(s):  
Michael Wendl

This contribution is a critical response to the article “Global Capitalism in a State of Emergency” written by the editorial board and published in PROKLA 185. In contrast to the editors’ analysis, it argues that capitalism does not qualify as a global system with an international form of government and an international ruling class. We are still living in a state of „Varieties of Capitalism“ dominated by national states. This was proven by the deep crisis of the European Union and the political struggles within the EU. The model of finance-dominated capitalism is not able to explain why the export-oriented German capitalism, German politics and the German economic ideology of mercantilism can dominate the economies and the states in the European Union.


Organizacija ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-52
Author(s):  
Milja Marčeta ◽  
Štefan Bojnec

AbstractBackground and Purpose: The main purpose of this study is to find the key drivers of Global Competitiveness Index (GCI) in the European Union (EU-28) countries from the aspect of country’s global competitiveness: institutions, macroeconomic environment, infrastructure, higher education, market effectiveness, market size, technological readiness, innovation and business sophistication.Methodology: This paper investigates global competitiveness of the EU-28 countries with the use of GCI in the periods 2014-2015 and 2017-2018. The correlation analysis and regression analysis are applied for testing the set two hypotheses.Results: The empirical results confirmed our hypotheses that GCI is particularly significantly positively correlated with innovation and business sophistication, and universities-industry collaboration in researches, and clusters development.Conclusion: The paper contributes to the literature of global competitiveness, by examining the relationship of sub-indexes of competitiveness of the EU-28 countries, pointing out the influence of universities-industries collaboration in researches and cluster development with geographic concentration of companies. The results and findings can be relevant for science, economic and research policy, and managerial practices that enhance innovation and business sophistication for research in collaboration of companies, universities, higher education institutions, and decision makers. The implications of this study can be important for better understanding of drivers of the EU-28 countries global competitiveness.


2017 ◽  
pp. 114-127
Author(s):  
M. Klinova ◽  
E. Sidorova

The article deals with economic sanctions and their impact on the state and prospects of the neighboring partner economies - the European Union (EU) and Russia. It provides comparisons of current data with that of the year 2013 (before sanctions) to demonstrate the impact of sanctions on both sides. Despite the fact that Russia remains the EU’s key partner, it came out of the first three partners of the EU. The current economic recession is caused by different reasons, not only by sanctions. Both the EU and Russia have internal problems, which the sanctions confrontation only exacerbates. The article emphasizes the need for a speedy restoration of cooperation.


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