scholarly journals The Current State of American Historiography of U.S. Foreign Policy: Methodology Debate

2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (2021) ◽  
pp. 295-313
Author(s):  
A.I. Kubyshkin ◽  
◽  
I.A. Tsvetkov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
2017 ◽  
Vol 69 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 262-282
Author(s):  
Vladimir Ajzenhamer

The Great Debates are an important stage in the development of International Relations (IR) as a science. However, the ?exactness? of its chronology and content, as well as the precise determination of the actors and results, is questionable on several grounds. Therefore, relying on this, often contradictory, interpretations of the outcome of the Great Debates, little can be said about the current state of the mentioned theoretical dialogue. Today, IR scholars mostly discuss abandoning the idea of macro theory and the pluralistic silence in which medium-scale theories resonate in peace. However, this "diagnosis" still does not give us an answer to the question of who really won the fight of so-called big theories, or which theoretical paradigm today has the greatest influence within the disciplinary field? Applying the idea of reflexivity between the theory of international relations and the practice of foreign policy, the author of this paper rejects the restrictions of the mythos of the discipline (at the center of which is the myth of the Great Debates) and turns to the analysis of international political praxis as an instrument for the identification of the mentioned theoretical impact. At the center of the analysis are the foreign policy principles of the United States, which the author reviews in a hundred-year time interval, in particular emphasizing the doctrine of Wilsonianism and the principles of foreign policy advocated by the current US President Donald Tramp. Facing Wilsonianism and Trampism (determining, in turn, the latter as a realistic-constructivist Anti-Wilsonian coalition), the author offers his view of the current state of paradigmatic ?clashes? in the theory and practice of international relations.


2018 ◽  
pp. 61-67
Author(s):  
Anna Taranenko

Foreign policy as one of the key areas for the functioning of sovereign states is designed to protect their national interests and promote maintenance of the welfare of the population. For Ukraine, such vectors of foreign policy as European, Euro-Atlantic, Eurasian, Middle Eastern, and Asian are traditionally important. One of the main vectors of Ukraine's foreign policy at the current stage is integration into the European Union. At the same time, an extremely important task for Ukrainian diplomacy is countering Russian aggression, protection of the population in the East of the state and in the Crimea and the soonest possible resolution of the conflict in the Donbas region. Consequently, this topic is of considerable interest, and it is worth examining in detail the current state of Ukraine's foreign policy, in particular, in view of the current challenges of global and regional security. Analysis of foreign and Ukrainian sources on this topic indicates the interest of researchers in matters of foreign policy of Ukraine, as well as international conflicts and their settlement. The purpose of this article is to study the current state of Ukraine's foreign policy in the context of the current challenges of global and regional security. Based on the analysis, it was determined that at the current stage there is sufficient potential for further development of Ukraine's foreign policy, in particular in view of the current challenges of global and regional security. On the basis of the analysis, one can arrive at conclusions that among the successes of Ukraine's foreign policy in recent years one can mention withstanding Russian aggression, introduction of a visa-free regime with the European Union, further deepening of cooperation within the framework of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement and deepening of Euro-Atlantic integration. At the same time, it is necessary to strengthen the effective use of the foreign policy resource to efficiently respond to the challenges of global and regional security. There are further prospects for research related to the effective resolution of international conflicts at the current stage.


2001 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 179-209
Author(s):  
Victor D. Cha

The George W. Bush presidency has raised wide speculation about future United States' policy toward the Korean peninsula. The conventional wisdom among pundits in Washington, Seoul and elsewhere is that the incoming administration will switch to a ‘harder line’ regarding the Democratic Peoples' Republic of Korea (DPRK) and move away from the engagement policy practiced during the Clinton administration. In a similar vein, others have argued that Bush will place a premium on reaffirming and consolidating ties with traditional allies and friends like the Republic of Korea (ROK), Japan, and Taiwan while downplaying strategic engagement with China. The problem with such punditry is that it is usually overstated and under analyzed. Given the current state of relations, there is little incentive for dramatic changes in U.S. policy toward North Korea or with regard to the U.S.-ROK alliance. Moreover, given what is known of the Bush administration's foreign policy vision, there is little evidence upon which to predict an unadulterated hard line swing in policy toward Pyongyang.


Author(s):  
Michael Motyavin

This article examines the current state and ways of development of the alliance of the United States of America and the Republic of Korea after the Joseph Biden administration came to power. During the summit held in Washington on May 21, 2021, the key positions of the two countries on the formation of a joint policy in the future were announced. There were areas and regions that had not previously appeared on the joint foreign policy agenda, which means fundamental changes in the understanding of the alliance’s future. Consequently, the author of the article analyzes the reasons why the Moon Jae-in administration could change its course in foreign policy, Washington's goals for reforming the alliance and the changes that the alliance of the United States and South Korea will undergo.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-23
Author(s):  
Vitalina Babenko ◽  
Yana Biletska ◽  
Hanna Pelyak

The practical aspects of Ukraine`s economic integration into the EU are still relevant, but are presented with insufficient formalization. The article aims to define the prospects of the Ukrainian integration strategy in the contemporary global space, in particular its Eurointegration strategy. The state and the prospects of the Ukraine’s economic integration into the EU were analyzed and the process of the Ukrainian foreign policy evolution in the European direction was studied. The possible potential membership of Ukraine in the EU was analyzed on the basis of characteristics of current state of the relationships between Ukraine and the member-states. The multi-vector integration course into the EU was stipulated with the aim to renovate the Ukrainian economy effectively; positive and negative aspects of Ukraine’s entrance into the integration association were analyzed. The article offers the measures for practical implementation of Ukraine’s integration intensions on the basis of the analysis of a variety of Ukrainian legislation documents in the field of foreign and domestic policy.


1971 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 25-26
Author(s):  
Larry Bowman

The phrase communication for change is now entering the lexicon of America's Southern African policy makers with about the same regularity that President Nixon promises us that his foreign policy will lead to a full generation of peace. Both policies call for support as an article of faith since the payoffs – change and peace – will not be realized until Nixon, Secretary of State Rogers, Assistant Secretary for African Affairs Newsom, and most other current policy makers have moved on to corporate law practices and foundation presidencies. The mere fact that we are urged to accept policies by those who will not be around to be held accountable for them should concern us and perhaps give us cause for a healthy degree of skepticism. This article is intended to briefly assess the current state of American foreign policy toward Southern Africa and to consider how (if at all) current policy offers promise to the millions of Africans who live under racist regimes.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (5) ◽  
pp. 7-21
Author(s):  
A. A. Baykov ◽  
E. V. Koldunova

Analysts usually consider only strategic, geopolitical, or economic aspects of Russia’s turn to the East. Humanitarian contacts and public diplomacy, including academic diplomacy, remain mainly on the periphery of research on the Asian vector of Russian foreign policy. Despite significant achievements in educational cooperation with non-Western countries during the Soviet period, after the end of the bipolar period, Russia turned to European academic diplomacy. To some extent, it helped Russia move forward in educational and research cooperation with the EU. However, it did not help remove all the stumbling blocks on Russia’s way to internationalize its education and science. Alongside interaction with Asia, which became home to many world-class universities by the 20th and 21st centuries, Russia’s cooperation with Europe has significantly lagged.Nevertheless, as the current situation demonstrates, a more proactive Russian academic and educational diplomacy in Asia is essential for successful economic cooperation and a comprehensive Russian presence in Asia. The paper, therefore, seeks to analyze the dynamics of Russian approaches to educational diplomacy, based on the qualitative and quantitative assessments to scrutinize the main trends of the higher education development in Asia and to define the current state and prospects of Russia’s educational cooperation with Pacific Asia. The paper argues that to be successful, Russia’s turn to the East must have a better-developed educational component, which considers the newest trends of higher education development at the international level. These steps are essential for keeping Russian education competitive and implementing Russian foreign policy in the current circumstances.


2021 ◽  
Vol 64 (1 (245)) ◽  
pp. 21-37
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Szymańska

Znaczenie środków masowego przekazu w procesie planowania i realizacji polityki zagranicznej zmieniało się w czasie w zależności od możliwości technicznych mediów oraz obowiązującego paradygmatu dyplomacji. Celem artykułu jest analiza ewolucji, jaka dokonała się w tych relacjach w okresie od zakończenia II wojny światowej w kontekście wybranych wydarzeń historycznych. W ostatnich dziesięcioleciach wyróżnić można kilka etapów rozwoju wzajemnych relacji mediów i polityki zagranicznej, charakteryzujących się określonym układem oddziaływań oraz zależności mediów i dyplomacji, który w pewnych okresach w określonej sytuacji politycznej z różnym natężeniem cechowała albo wyraźna dominacja polityki nad mediami, albo wyraźnie uchwytny wpływ przekazu mediów na politykę. To, który z elementów układu zyskiwał w danym momencie przewagę, zależało głównie od aktualnego stanu rozwoju technologii przekazu oraz obowiązującego paradygmatu polityki zagranicznej. You Win Some, You Lose Some, or the Evolution of the Relations of Media and Foreign Policy The role of the media in the planning and implementation of foreign policy has changed over time, depending on the technical capabilities of the media and the existing diplomatic paradigm. The aim of the article is to analyze the evolution that has taken place in these fields since the end of World War II in the context of the selected historical events. In recent decades, several stages of the development of mutual relations between the media and foreign policy can be distinguished, characterized by a specific system of influence and dependence of the media and diplomacy, which in certain periods in a specific political situation was characterized with varying intensity either by a clear domination of politics over the media or a clearly noticeable influence of the media message on politics. Which of the elements of the system was gaining the advantage at a given moment depended mainly on the current state of development of the communication technology and the applicable foreign policy paradigm.


The article discusses the current state of the collective consciousness of the Russian society that explains domestic and foreign policy trends of the Kremlin. Methodologically the study is based on the theory of social facts developed by Durkheim, according to which social facts consist of representations and actions. The empirical data produced by a number of surveys, including the surveys conducted by the Levada Centre, constitute an empirical base of this article. Data analysis suggests that the collective consciousness of the Russian society consists of the following facts: 1) «tyranny love», or an irrational admiration of «hardliners» who tend to favour a hawkish approach to foreign policy; 2) «freedom phobia», or a set of attitudes corresponding to the concept of «escape from freedom» coined by Fromm that leads to a systematic failure of any democratic reforms; 3) «Westernophobia», or a negative attitude towards the West or any country that adopts Western values, including Ukraine that has allegedly betrayed its ex-ally; 4) «aggressive narcissism», or the idea of Russia’s superiority that justifies the «rogue state’s» behaviour, including imperialist policies practiced by a number of countries over the past centuries. Social facts pertaining to the collective consciousness result in a distinctive civilisational marker that highlights the differences between Russia and the West, assists with the differentiation between the Russian and the Ukrainian societies, and explains the root causes of war against Ukraine.


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