scholarly journals The Russian Society: Facts of Collective Consciousness

The article discusses the current state of the collective consciousness of the Russian society that explains domestic and foreign policy trends of the Kremlin. Methodologically the study is based on the theory of social facts developed by Durkheim, according to which social facts consist of representations and actions. The empirical data produced by a number of surveys, including the surveys conducted by the Levada Centre, constitute an empirical base of this article. Data analysis suggests that the collective consciousness of the Russian society consists of the following facts: 1) «tyranny love», or an irrational admiration of «hardliners» who tend to favour a hawkish approach to foreign policy; 2) «freedom phobia», or a set of attitudes corresponding to the concept of «escape from freedom» coined by Fromm that leads to a systematic failure of any democratic reforms; 3) «Westernophobia», or a negative attitude towards the West or any country that adopts Western values, including Ukraine that has allegedly betrayed its ex-ally; 4) «aggressive narcissism», or the idea of Russia’s superiority that justifies the «rogue state’s» behaviour, including imperialist policies practiced by a number of countries over the past centuries. Social facts pertaining to the collective consciousness result in a distinctive civilisational marker that highlights the differences between Russia and the West, assists with the differentiation between the Russian and the Ukrainian societies, and explains the root causes of war against Ukraine.

Author(s):  
P. Cherkasov

The article describes the debate on foreign policy of the post-Soviet Russia, which took place at the Academic Council of IMEMO in 1992–1994. What are the national interests of the Russian young democracy? What should be Russian foreign policy in the new geopolitical situation, after the collapse of the USSR? To what extent the transformation of socio-political system in Russia changed the nature of its foreign policy? What should be its principles and priorities after the end of the Cold War? All these and other questions were in the focus of IMEMO experts immediately after the collapse of the communist regime in 1991. From the outset, the discussions were marked by different approaches to the issues. Some experts put forward as a priority the relations with the U.S. and the West in general, some put Europe in the first place, and others  - the Commonwealth of Independent States, which brought together some of the former Soviet republics. But all IMEMO experts in general agreed on the negative evaluation of the new Russian foreign policy quality: the default of a senior management for clear understanding of strategic and tactical foreign policy goals, low professional level of those who were called to form and implement foreign policy, the absence of a single center for decision-making, the lack of coordination between various authorities involved in the development of a foreign policy strategy  - Presidential Administration, Security Council, the Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Defense, Parliament, etc. As mentioned in the discussions, the initial stage of idealistic notions and expectations of the West prevalent in Russian society and in the new ruling elite circles after the fall of the Soviet regime was soon replaced by disappointment and even irritation towards the West. Both of these trends were equally dangerous to the interests of the Russian foreign policy, which was in great need of a pragmatic, professional understanding of realities. This policy had to achieve two main objectives  - full integration of Russia into the world community of developed democracies, and protection of its own national interests within this community. One should have been inextricably linked with the other. Academic understanding of national interests in the field of foreign, defense and economic policies, the development of specific proposals and recommendations on these issues for the state leadership has become one of priorities for IMEMO analysts. Acknowledgements. The publication was prepared as part of the President of Russian Federation grant to support the leading scientific schools NSh-6452.2014.6.


Balcanica ◽  
2007 ◽  
pp. 231-241
Author(s):  
Konstantin Nikiforov

In the initial phase after the collapse of the USSR, Russian diplomacy lacked vision and initiative, generally following the West's lead, including its policy towards the Yugoslav crisis (1991-95). It was only from about 1994 and as a result of the decision to expand NATO into Eastern Europe, that it sought to become more synchronized with the prevailing mood in Russian society, increasingly disillusioned with Western policies. There was a change in the phrasing of official statements, but the Russian Foreign Ministry in fact continued to follow the West and supported the severe anti-Serbian sanctions regime. Russia played merely a supporting role in the Bosnian crisis, which led to the withdrawal of Russian peacekeepers. The only Russian initiative in the period was Putin's proposal to hold a Balkan conference to discuss the inviolability of borders and human rights, but it was left out in the open. Recently, however, Russia has become more active in connection with the Kosovo status talks, as a result of her aspiration to translate her newly-gained economic strength into political power, but also of the fact that there are in the post-Soviet territory some unrecognized self-proclaimed states, moreover, for the most part pro-Russian. What is vital for Russia is that she is now seeking to develop a conceptual framework for past events and to prevent any breach of international law in the future. Hence the emphasis on the necessity of laying down 'universal principles' applicable in any situation, not just in the case of Kosovo. Furthermore, a de facto independence for Kosovo, as envisaged by the Martti Ahtisaari plan, cannot resolve the problem of Serbo-Albanian conflict in a sustainable way, and remains a dangerous precedent both regionally and globally.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 71
Author(s):  
Aan Eko Khusni Ubaidillah

The problems we face today live in a time of moral degradation and destruction. People feel proud if they can imitate the trend carried by the West; both in thought and lifestyle. Ironically, not a few generations of Muslims who terpedaya with the trend. They make Western values ​​as their standard of behavior and morals. Meanwhile, Islamic morality is increasingly felt strange and difficult to practice in the midst of society facing such problems plural and complex. The purpose of this study are: 1) To describe the steps Implementation of values ​​of Ethics, Moral and Morals in learning behavior in STIT Raden Wijaya Mojokerto. 2) To describe the supporting and inhibiting factors Implementation of Ethics, Morals and Morals values ​​in the behavior of learning in STIT Raden Wijaya Mojokerto This research type is field research research using qualitative approach. Data collection techniques include observation, interview, and documentation. Data analysis technique uses descriptive explorative, that is by describing state and phenomenon status. Based on the exposure of the analysis of data sources can be concluded that: 1) Steps Implementation of values ​​of Ethics, Morals and Morals in the behavior of learning in STIT Raden Wijaya Mojokerto is the first institution to make a mature planning, then applied with the pattern pembiasaan. 2) To describe the supporting and inhibiting factors Implementation of Ethics, Morals and Morals values ​​in learning behavior in STIT Raden Wijaya Mojokerto consists of internal factors (consisting of heredity, gender, physical character, personality, intelligence and talent) and external ( consisting of education, religion, culture, environment and socio-economic)


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-103
Author(s):  
Aliaksandr Bystryk

Abstract This paper deals with the topic of conservative West-Russianist ideology and propaganda during World War I. The author analyzes the most prominent newspaper of the movement at the time – Severo-Zapadnaia Zhizn (The North-Western Life). The discourse of the newspaper is analyzed from the perspective of Belarusian nation-building, as well as from the perspective of Russian nationalism in the borderlands. The author explores the ways in which the creators of the periodical tried to use the rise of the Russian patriotic feelings to their advantage. Appealing to the heightened sense of national solidarity which took over parts of Russian society, the periodical tried to attack, delegitimize and discredit its ideological and political opponents. Besides the obvious external enemy – Germans, Severo-Zapadnaia Zhizn condemned socialists, pacifists, Jews, borderland Poles, Belarusian and Ukrainian national activists, Russian progressives and others, accusing them of disloyalty, lack of patriotism and sometimes even treason. Using nationalist loyalist rhetoric, the West-Russianist newspaper urged the imperial government to act more decisively in its campaign to end ‘alien domination’ in Russian Empire, and specifically to create conditions for domination of ‘native Russian element’ – meaning Belarusian peasantry, in the Belarusian provinces of the empire.


2020 ◽  
pp. 22-38
Author(s):  
Natalia Guseva ◽  
Vitaliy Berdutin

At present, the problem of establishing disability is a point at issue in Russia. Despite the fact that medical criteria for disability are being developed very actively, high-quality methods for assessing social hallmarks are still lacking. Since disability is a phenomenon inherent in any society, each state forms a social and economic policy for people with disabilities in accordance with its level of development, priorities and opportunities. We have proposed a three-stage model, which includes a system for the consistent solution of the main tasks aimed at studying the causes and consequences of the problems encountered today in the social protection of citizens with health problems. The article shows why the existing approaches to the determination of disability and rehabilitation programs do not correspond to the current state of Russian society and why a decrease in the rate of persons recognized as disabled for the first time does not indicate an improvement in the health of the population. The authors proposed a number of measures with a view to correcting the situation according to the results of the study.


2001 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 61-93
Author(s):  
Roger Willett ◽  
Maliah Sulaiman

This paper discusses the impact of western accounting technologies on belief structures such as those of the Islamic faith. It assesses a theory of accounting reporting originally proposed by Baydoun and Willett (1994). It goes on to consider the nature and origins of western materialist philosophy and contrasts the belief structure of Islam with the West. The paper also ex.amines the historical context in which western values became adopted in Muslim societies and discusses the policy issues that confront Islamic accounting standard setters.


2015 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 21-46
Author(s):  
Kubilay Arin

When Turkey’s Justice and Development Part (AKP) came to power in 2002, it brought a new strategy to foreign policy. Some scholars ascribed this reorientation to the rise of neo-Ottomanism, others to Islamization, and yet others to a Middle Easternization of foreign policy. All labels have one element in common: They give weight to Islam and Turkey’s imperial past as soft power assetsin the conduct of foreign policy by rejecting secular Kemalism in the country’s diplomacy. The AKP capitalized on Turgut Özal’s neo-Ottomanist foreign policy and Necmettin Erbakan’s multi-dimensional foreign policy by using Turkey’s pivotal geopolitical location to transform it into a global actor. The ongoing Islamic revival has caused the country’s attempted full westernization to slow down. But the West itself is hardly a monolithic bloc, given its own many internal cultural, linguistic,religious, political, and economic differences. I therefore describe Turkey as a “hybrid,” a modern and developing “semi-western” state, and argue that over time it will become ever more “socially conservative.”


Author(s):  
Ron Geaves

This chapter discusses the significance of Abdullah Quilliam by primarily focusing on the writings through which he framed his conversion to Islam and wrote as a lens for Victorian society to revisit Islam. A classification of the types of writing undertaken and their role in the promotion of Islam within Britain and internationally in the late Victorian and Edwardian period is explored. Quilliam wrote extensively on the crisis facing Victorian Christianity and was intensely aware of the burning political issues of his time, especially those concerning British foreign policy. However, above all else, he was a Muslim of conviction, and the leader of British Muslims, and his unique status lies in his promotion of Islam in the West as a religious worldview disconnected from ethnicity or "otherness." This examination of his writings explores his vision of Islam and demonstrates that Quilliam’s concerns in his writings remain the essential themes drawn upon by young contemporary British Muslim activists and converts to the religion.


European View ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 178168582110033
Author(s):  
Andrius Kubilius

The article analyses two distinct approaches that Western leaders have taken to relations with Putin’s Russia. It argues that the dominant approach of fostering good relations with Vladimir Putin, prioritising these over support for longer-term democratic change in Russia, has not brought any results and is damaging the interests of Russian society, neighbouring countries and the West. The article analyses the prerequisites for deep change in Russia and argues that there is a need for the EU to comprehensively review and change its strategy towards Russia, putting democracy at its core. It discusses in detail the deterrence, containment and transformation elements of a new EU strategy. The article emphasises that the strategic approach of ‘democracy first’ in relations with Russia also relates to the future of democracy in general and should be a priority of EU–US cooperation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-88
Author(s):  
Alexander N. Chumakov

Abstract The article analyzes the main parameters of the modern world development, its architectonics and the most important development trends. Modern communications and principles of interaction of various social systems are also considered. As a result, the most significant cultural-cum-civilizational systems are distinguished – the West, China, the Islamic world and Russia, which represent four global trends or four vectors of power that fundamentally affect the current state and prospects of world development. It is emphasized that the West and China have a global strategy, provided by objective circumstances. The Islamic world and Russia occupy an important geopolitical position and also have a special status in the global world.


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