scholarly journals The Cuban Revolution. A triumph of heroic creation over revolutionary myths

2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 147-165
Author(s):  
Caridad Massón Sena ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Cuban Revolution ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
The People ◽  
Historical Necessity

The Cuban Revolution, triumphant on January 1, 1959, performed the political miracle of achieving the coordination of heterogeneous social and ideopolitical forces, preventing the divisions of yesteryear and those that manifested themselves in the same combative process, from drowning the armed, political insurrectionary effort. -popular and antidictatorial, which went through historical necessity towards a very radical national liberation, anti-imperialist and socialist process. The revolutionary energy displayed as of July 26, 1953 was a call in the national conscience and promoted a new proposal. Two years later, it began to become the insurrectionary political accomplishment allied to the protest of the most humble people, to which it gave elements for their awareness and leadership of their rebellion. Then began a different era where the ideals of social justice were combined with national liberation; To achieve this, it was necessary to unleash the capacities of the people to change the country, destroy the precepts of geopolitics and carry out a gigantic heresy regarding what were considered the axioms of revolutionary thought until that moment.

scholarly journals The radicalization process of the Cuban Revolution 1959-1961

2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 166-184
Author(s):  
Paula Ortiz Guilián ◽  
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Cuban Revolution ◽  
The Political ◽  
Fidel Castro ◽  
Self Confidence ◽  
The People ◽  
Us Government ◽  
Short Time ◽  
Sense Of Justice ◽  
The Revolution

The present work carries out an analysis of the radicalization process of the Cuban Revolution and its causes during the years from 1959 to 1961t. This process was possible in such a short time due to the con-junction of several elements: the fulfillment of the Moncada Program; the leadership of the Revolution; the position of the United States be-fore the advance of the Revolution; the aid provided by the Soviet Un-ion, as well as the correlation of forces in the world, and the position of support and endorsement of the Revolution by the people. This process was not peaceful; it was carried out in the midst of a violent class struggle and external aggression on the part of the great interests and US government, which tried to destroy the Revolution using all possi-ble means, including armed aggression. In this brief period, the revolu-tion in power managed to put an end to imperialist rule and, fundamen-tally, to capitalist exploitation, strengthening the political system of society and raising the revolutionary consciousness, as well as the po-litical culture of the people. The obtained success was largely the result of the political teaching of Fidel Castro, as well as his extraordinary personality. Fidel knew how to enhance the people's self-confidence, sense of justice, solidarity, dignity, and revolutionary firmness.

scholarly journals Mahakavi and the Mahatma on the ideological basis - A Comparison

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 189-208
Author(s):  
Sankar M
Keyword(s):  
Social Progress ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Mahatma Gandhi ◽  
Liberation Movement ◽  
The People ◽  
National Liberation Movement ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Radical Movement

This is based on the assumption that Bharathiyar and Gandhiji are ideologically united in the liberation movement or in the political movement, in the radical movement and the moderate movement. Mahakavi Bharathiyar and Mahatma Gandhi lived in the same period. Particularly those who emerged during the fall of the Liberation Movement. Their ideas are the foundation of social progress and the development of the individual. Though both the writings of National Liberation are included in the writings of the people, the National Liberation Movement has pointed out many problems with the aim of liberating the people from them. In both writings, the notion that social liberation is the liberation of the nation. The purpose of this article is to identify and explain them.

Institutions, Ideologies, and Combatant Experiences in FMLN Factions

2018 ◽  
pp. 109-130
Author(s):  
Amelia Hoover Green
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Armed Group ◽  
Guerrilla War ◽  
The People ◽  
National Liberation Front ◽  
Institutional Variation ◽  
The Military ◽  
Over Time

This chapter describes the variation in armed-group institutions across subgroups of the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) and over time and reconstructs the ways that institutional variation affected FMLN combatants' mindsets. It specifically considers the FMLN's two largest subgroups: the Popular Forces of Liberation (FPL) and the Revolutionary Army of the People (ERP). From its inception in 1972, ERP leaders adopted a militarist orientation, believing a small revolutionary vanguard would provide inspiration for a broader uprising among the people. Politics were secondary; indeed, the ERP formed a political wing only after several years of existence as an armed revolutionary organization. The ERP's militarist approach emphasized the utility of civilians as allies to the military effort. The FPL, by contrast, initially followed a strategy of prolonged popular war. This approach emphasizes the political aspects of guerrilla war over the military aspects. It views civilians and civilian agreement as essential to the revolutionary project.

Panamanian Students' Orientations toward Government and Democracy

1963 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 397-404
Author(s):  
Daniel Goldrich
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Empirical Data ◽  
Cuban Revolution ◽  
Social Revolution ◽  
Northeast Brazil ◽  
Survey Report ◽  
The People ◽  
General Proposition

Despite all the warnings that the Latin-American masses are aroused and demanding social justice, there is little empirical data demonstrating it although there are a few research reports suggesting the lack of validity of the general proposition, in some significant situations. For example, one survey report indicates that even with the rise of the militant, radical peasant leagues in northeast Brazil, the general rural populace has hardly any formulated opinion about nationalism or the Cuban Revolution. This absence of opinion suggests that the people are not yet either sufficiently agitated or aware of the relevance of government and politics in their lives for social revolution to emerge.

On the Will of the People: Notes on the Political “Theory” of Populism

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Claus Offe
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Identity ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Conflicts Of Interest ◽  
Political Rhetoric ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
National People ◽  
The Will

The “will of the (national) people” is the ubiquitously invoked reference unit of populist politics. The essay tries to demystify the notion that such will can be conceived of as a unique and unified substance deriving from collective ethnic identity. Arguably, all political theory is concerned with arguing for ways by which citizens can make e pluribus unum—for example, by coming to agree on procedures and institutions by which conflicts of interest and ideas can be settled according to standards of fairness. It is argued that populists in their political rhetoric and practice typically try to circumvent the burden of such argument and proof. Instead, they appeal to the notion of some preexisting existential unity of the people’s will, which they can redeem only through practices of repression and exclusion.

PERAN ULAMA SELAKU PEWARIS NABI DALAM KONTESTASI PEMILU-PILPRES TAHUN 2019 DI INDONESIA

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
abdul muiz amir
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Archival Data ◽  
Political Event ◽  
Online Social Media ◽  
The People ◽  
Religious Issue ◽  
The Face ◽  
Religion And State

This study aims to find a power relation as a discourse played by the clerics as the Prophet's heir in the contestation of political event in the (the elections) of 2019 in Indonesia. The method used is qualitative based on the critical teory paradigm. Data gathered through literary studies were later analyzed based on Michel Foucault's genealogy-structuralism based on historical archival data. The findings show that, (1) The involvement of scholars in the Pemilu-Pilpres 2019 was triggered by a religious issue that has been through online social media against the anti-Islamic political system, pro communism and liberalism. Consequently create two strongholds from the scholars, namely the pro stronghold of the issue pioneered by the GNPF-Ulama, and the fortress that dismissed the issue as part of the political intrigue pioneered by Ormas NU; (2) genealogically the role of scholars from time to time underwent transformation. At first the Ulama played his role as well as Umara, then shifted also agent of control to bring the dynamization between the issue of religion and state, to transform into motivator and mediator in the face of various issues Practical politic event, especially at Pemilu-Pilpres 2019. Discussion of the role of Ulama in the end resulted in a reduction of the role of Ulama as the heir of the prophet, from the agent Uswatun Hasanah and Rahmatan lil-' ālamīn as a people, now shifted into an agent that can trigger the division of the people.

Afterword

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hugh B. Urban ◽  
Greg Johnson
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Academic Discourse ◽  
Critical Study ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Education Today

The Afterword includes an interview with Bruce Lincoln, in which he is asked to reflect on the current study of religion, methods of comparison, and the political implications of academic discourse. In addition to responding to specific points in these chapters, Lincoln also fleshes out what he thinks it would mean “to do better” in the critical study of religion amid the ongoing crises of higher education today. Perhaps most importantly, he reflects upon and clarifies what he means by “irreverence” in the study of religion; an irreverent approach, he concludes, entails a rejection of the sacred status that other people attribute to various things, but not of the people themselves.

(Anamnesis) Revolting Bodies: “Le Forgeron” and the Poetry of the Past

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert St. Clair
Keyword(s):  
Victor Hugo ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Past ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Struggles ◽  
Louis Xvi

weChapter 4 takes up the question of poetry and engagement at its most explicit and complex in Rimbaud, focusing on a long, historical epic entitled “Le Forgeron.” We read this poem, which recreates and re-imagines a confrontation between the People in revolt and Louis XVI in the summer of 1792, as Rimbaud’s attempt to add a revolutionary supplement to the counter-epics modeled by Victor Hugo in Châtiments. Chapter 4 shows how Rimbaud’s “Forgeron” challenges us to examine the ways in which a poem might seek “to enjamb” the caesura between poiesis and praxis by including and complicating revolutionary (counter)history into its folds in order to implicate itself in the political struggles of its time.

Populism, Religion and Catholic Civil Society in Poland: The Case of Primary Education

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Dorota Szelewa
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Primary Education ◽  
Sexuality Education ◽  
Moral Panic ◽  
School Entry ◽  
School Age ◽  
Religious Symbolism ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government

This article analyses two cases of populist mobilisation – namely, one against a primary school entry-age reform and another against WHO sexuality education and the concept of gender – that took place in Poland between 2008 and 2019. Both campaigns had a populist character and were oriented towards restoring social justice taken away from ‘the people’ by a morally corrupted ‘elite’. There are differences between the cases that can be analytically delineated by assessing whether a religious mobilisation has an overt or a covert character. While the series of protests against the school-age reform represents a case of mobilisation with covert religious symbolism, the campaigns against sexuality education and the use of the concept of gender are characterised by overt religious populism. To characterise the dynamics of the two campaigns, the study uses the concept of a moral panic, emphasising the importance of moral entrepreneurs waging ideological war against the government and/or liberal experts conceived of as ‘folk devils’.

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