scholarly journals State and Society: Indigenous Practices in Ritual and Religious Activities of Bali Hinduism in Bali-Indonesia

Author(s):  
I Ketut Ardhana

Due to the increased tourism development in Bali, there have been significant changes in Balinese views in the practices of their ritual and religious lives. Previously populated almost exclusively by Hindu Balinese, Bali has evolved to be a multicultural society resulting from the increased migration of people, ethnicities and ideas. In the past, any ritual and religious activities in accordance with the humanistic religious management had been carried out in the traditional kingdoms. However, the downfall of those traditional kingdoms has affected the emergence of significant issues in relation to who will be in charge in the ritual and religious activities that demand much financial outlay. This has brought about important issues in relation to the decrease in the Balinese who adhere to Hinduism, since most of them have no time to arrange these kinds of activities as most work in the tourist sector that demands effectiveness and efficiency. There are many questions to be discussed in this paper, namely, Firstly: What is the role of the state and society in the management of the ritual and religious activities in Bali? Secondly: What kinds of alternative solutions can solve the problems? And, Thirdly: How can these issues faced by the Balinese, be managed, since the Balinese do not only consist of followers of the Hindu religion but also other religions such as Islam, Christianity (Protestant and Catholic), Buddhism and Confucianism as well as the local beliefs that have been recognized by the state in the Reform period since 1998? Through answering these questions, it is expected to have a better understanding of the role of the state and society in the context of indigenous practices in Ritual and Religious Activities of Bali Hinduism in Indonesia.

Author(s):  
Kevork Oskanian

Abstract This article contributes a securitisation-based, interpretive approach to state weakness. The long-dominant positivist approaches to the phenomenon have been extensively criticised for a wide range of deficiencies. Responding to Lemay-Hébert's suggestion of a ‘Durkheimian’, ideational-interpretive approach as a possible alternative, I base my conceptualisation on Migdal's view of state weakness as emerging from a ‘state-in-society's’ contested ‘strategies of survival’. I argue that several recent developments in Securitisation Theory enable it to capture this contested ‘collective knowledge’ on the state: a move away from state-centrism, the development of a contextualised ‘sociological’ version, linkages made between securitisation and legitimacy, and the acknowledgment of ‘securitisations’ as a contested Bourdieusian field. I introduce the concept of ‘securitisation gaps’ – divergences in the security discourses and practices of state and society – as a concept aimed at capturing this contested role of the state, operationalised along two logics (reactive/substitutive) – depending on whether they emerge from securitisations of the state action or inaction – and three intensities (latent, manifest, and violent), depending on the extent to which they involve challenges to state authority. The approach is briefly illustrated through the changing securitisation gaps in the Republic of Lebanon during the 2019–20 ‘October Uprising’.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-100
Author(s):  
A.V. ISAEV ◽  
◽  
V.A. MATVIENKO ◽  

The aim of the scientific monitoring undertaken within the framework of this article is to present the most comprehensive picture of the interaction between the state organs and traditional religious confessions in implementation of social assistance by them to the needy layers of the population. A retrospective of the established realities of the social sphere existed in the past allowed the authors of this work to trace their influence on the essential characteristics and forms of religious organizations' charity activi-ties in the space of provincial regions of Russia in the second half of the XIX – early XX centuries. The conduct-ed reconnaissance of the planned range of issues made it possible to state the facts of an exclusive empyria exist-ence for every traditional Russian religious confession, as well as a certain dependence of the religious charity on the character of public relations, on the role of the state in the social sphere, and the connection with spirituality genesis.


2009 ◽  
Vol 71 (4) ◽  
pp. 583-605
Author(s):  
Paul S. Rowe

AbstractAn increasing concern for the place of religion in global politics in the past decade is reflected in the work of William Cavanaugh, a political theologian coming from the radical orthodox movement of the Roman Catholic tradition. Taking aim at key tropes in international relations, Cavanaugh introduces a strong critique of the legitimacy of the state and against its martial attitude. This review questions the historicity and generalizability of Cavanaugh's analysis. It also challenges Cavanaugh's exaltation of the church from both an internal and external perspective. Finally, it considers the expanded role of the state as compared to Cavanaugh's vision of the martial state. By way of conclusion, it questions the extent to which Cavanaugh provides an alternative to consigning religious groups to civil society or a workable role for Christian engagement with global politics, even though he provides us with a strong critique of the state.


2021 ◽  
Vol 71 (S1) ◽  
pp. 5-11

Abstract The recent pandemic has raised fundamental questions about the traditional role of government. That role has stressed the pursuit of national interests and identified the tools that governments should use in the pursuit of those interests. While over the past century the desirable role of the state was amended to include new objectives (such as equity and stabilization) the focus had remained national interests. This paper argues that this national focus has become increasingly anachronistic and damaging.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-149
Author(s):  
Ajeet Kumar Pankaj

Dalits constitute one-fifth of the total Indian population and, being located at the bottom of the caste hierarchy, suffer from the acute problem of discrimination and exclusion in every sphere of society. Despite various government affirmative actions and policies, Dalits experience discrimination, which in turn lead to inaccessibility of welfare services among them. Based on the author’s engagement in field work for data collection,1 this article highlights that discrimination in welfare programme is not only caused by favouritism and corruption but also linked to the sociopolitical structure of the state and society. Through a dense analysis of the process of social exclusion in availability, accessibility and affordability of welfare programmes, this article examines the role of the state and society in the context of discrimination against Dalits in welfare programmes. This article deals with discrimination and exclusion of Dalits during the identification of beneficiaries and delivery of the state-sponsored welfare services. It specifically looks into the discriminatory mechanism in welfare programmes, particularly the programmes that are directly linked with poverty eradication and employment. This article uses the lens of social exclusion to examine caste discrimination in welfare programmes.


1977 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 601-613 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seymour Broadbridge

In the past decade or so there have been several critical revisions of the long-accepted view of the important role of the state in Japan's economic development and programme of modernization generally. Professor Harry Oshima has attempted to demolish the argument that the Meiji governments' policies were at all economically beneficial. On the contrary, he has said, those policies retarded growth, particularly through their neglect of agriculture. Professor Hugh Patrick has cautioned us against giving the Meiji governments too much credit for the development of the banking system. Private enterprise, he has insisted, was also important. Most recently, Professor Kozo Yamamura has delivered yet another broadside against what he considers the myths of Japanese economic history. This time he criticizes the view that the government, by intervening and pioneering model plants, played a significant role in Meiji Japan's industrial dcvelopment.


2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 837-867 ◽  
Author(s):  
SUNIL PURUSHOTHAM

Jawaharlal Nehru was both a historian and a self-conscious agent of historical change. This essay explores his political thought by bringing these two perspectives together. I argue that his approaches to a number of issues, including the state project that has been his most significant legacy, shared a concern with linking together the past, present and future. My concern here is primarily with the post-1947 phase of Nehru's career, which was marked by key shifts in his political thought due to a perceived transformation of temporal experience and an altered relationship with history. By attending to the way his thought worked through notions of temporality and historicity, this article offers insights into Nehru's understanding of technological modernity, violence, socialism, the individual, the nation and the role of the state.


Ethnicities ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 311-334 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lili Di Puppo

The question of the process of developing national or local forms of Islam is often approached through the lens of the domestication of Islam and by emphasising the role of the state or Muslim officials close to the state in this process. In my analysis of the process, undertaken by certain Tatar Muslim representatives in Russia, of developing what I call a localised Islamic orthodoxy, I aim to study shifts in the debate on ‘traditional Islam’ towards a more theological understanding of the term. I examine attempts to develop a local interpretation of Islam that, while based on universal religious fundaments, is not in opposition to Tatar national traditions and a secular modern lifestyle. The representation of an ‘orthodox traditional Islam’ is necessarily paradoxical to the extent that a localised orthodoxy claims to be timeless, ‘natural’ and established but still needs to be defined, learned and taught following decades of Soviet atheist policies. Furthermore, this representation relies on the projection of orthodoxy onto the past in a process in which certain elements of a complex Tatar Muslim identity are made visible and emphasised (in particular, the Hanafi tradition), while others are obscured. By referring to the literature on orthodoxy in the anthropology and sociology of Islam and in Islamic studies, I aim to examine the theological dimension of the process of defining a local Islam that is currently being pursued by certain Tatar Muslim representatives in Russia.


ILR Review ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 001979392090466 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Howell

Over the past 30 years, state intervention to reshape employment relations has become a generalized feature of contemporary capitalism. A broad neoliberal reconstruction of the market order has gone hand in hand with a more active state. In this article the author argues that liberalization in the sphere of employment relations could not have taken place without a more active state. Building on a regulation theory framework and an elaboration of the concept of neoliberalism as the regulatory infrastructure of emergent growth models, the author examines how the widespread shift from wage-led growth to other forms of growth across the advanced capitalist world has encouraged changes in the role of the state in the regulation of employment relations. These roles include market making, individual employment regulation in place of collective regulation, state-directed social pacts, and redrawing the boundaries between work and non-work. The article concludes with an explanation for continuing variations in employment relations.


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