scholarly journals Fair terms of integration in a liberal framework

Author(s):  
Anna Kim

This essay conceptualized the integration of immigrants vis-à-vis a liberal state's nation-building practices, which heavily condition and configure the terms of integration. It focuses on Canada which has engaged in two kinds of nation building: ethnic nation building which creates a political community based on the reproduction of a particular ethnonational identity, and civic nation building which aspires to a political community based on common principles and is thought to be culturally neutral. Fair terms of integration need to begin with how nation building practices are necessarily built into the structure of a liberal state and privilege citizens. Immigrant multiculturalism as proposed by liberal theorist, Will Kymlicka is one way for liberalism to achieve fair terms of integration in light of nation building; however, it is ill equipped to deal with the complexity of cultural identity and because it leaves the common societal cultural intact.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Kim

This essay conceptualized the integration of immigrants vis-à-vis a liberal state's nation-building practices, which heavily condition and configure the terms of integration. It focuses on Canada which has engaged in two kinds of nation building: ethnic nation building which creates a political community based on the reproduction of a particular ethnonational identity, and civic nation building which aspires to a political community based on common principles and is thought to be culturally neutral. Fair terms of integration need to begin with how nation building practices are necessarily built into the structure of a liberal state and privilege citizens. Immigrant multiculturalism as proposed by liberal theorist, Will Kymlicka is one way for liberalism to achieve fair terms of integration in light of nation building; however, it is ill equipped to deal with the complexity of cultural identity and because it leaves the common societal cultural intact.


2010 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-66
Author(s):  
Arkotong Longkumer

This article considers the importance of “religion” and “identity” in the process of fieldwork in the North Cachar Hills, Assam, India. The political sensitivities in the region provided a difficult context in which to do fieldwork. This is chiefly because of the various armed insurrections, which have arisen as a consequence of the complicated remnants of British colonialism (1834–1947), and the subsequent post-independence challenge of nation building in India. This article raises important methodological questions concerning fieldwork and the relational grounding of the fieldworker relative to the inside/outside positions. It reflects on these issues by discussing the Heraka, a Zeme Naga religious movement. Their ambiguity and “in-between” character accommodates both the “neo-Hindu” version of a nation or Hindutva (Hinduness) and the larger Naga (primarily Christian) assertion of their own cultural and religious autonomy. The Heraka provides an alternative route into ideas of nationhood, religious belonging and cultural identity.


Author(s):  
Neil Rhodes

This chapter begins by presenting translation as an aspect of the Erasmian legacy in England, and it argues that translation helps to heal the division discussed in Chapter 3 by enabling Protestantism and humanism to work together. Translation was part of a Protestant programme of nation-building and spreading the word for the common good, but it was also the means through which the literature of antiquity and of modern Europe was communicated to the public at large. Erasmus’ Paraphrases, Grimald's Cicero, and Hoby's Courtier are discussed in these two contexts. Translation points towards the Renaissance, as an insular purism based on Protestant fears of contamination and adulteration was superseded by a hospitality towards the foreign. The chapter ends by arguing that by the 1580s it is Protestant Bible translation that it is accused by Catholics of being literary.


Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

Chapter 1 introduces the long and difficult process of the theoretical legitimation of the political party as such. The analysis of the meaning and acceptance of ‘parties’ as tools of expressing contrasting visions moves forward from ancient Greece and Rome where (democratic) politics had first become a matter of speculation and practice, and ends up with the first cautious acceptance of parties by eighteenth-century British thinkers. The chapter explores how parties or factions have been constantly considered tools of division of the ‘common wealth’ and the ‘good society’. The holist and monist vision of a harmonious and compounded society, stigmatized parties and factions as an ultimate danger for the political community. Only when a new way of thinking, that is liberalism, emerged, was room for the acceptance of parties set.


2005 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-394 ◽  
Author(s):  
ERIK JAN ZÜRCHER

The Republic of Turkey was founded in 1923. In the first 20 years of its existence, the political leadership of the republic embarked on a process of nation building in Anatolia and at the same time changed the face of Turkish society, stamping on it a particular brand of secular modernity. This article tries to find out what were the common characteristics of the small band of men who made up the leadership of the republic and to what extent their shared background and experience can help explain the course they charted for Turkey after its creation. One of the conclusions is that Turkey, although located geographically for more than 90% in Asia, is in fact a creation of Europeans, who shaped the country after their own image.


2009 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 531 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arnu Turvey

The incorporation of Māori concepts into legislation has been one of several methods the government has employed to acknowledge and promote Māori cultural identity and give practical effect to the Treaty of Waitangi within its legislative frameworks.  While legal recognition of Māori concepts may have appeared as a positive step towards the creation of a mutually beneficial level of bicultural discourse in the government's management frameworks, in practice they have been the source of a new set of challenges. By transplanting Māori concepts directly into legislation, Māori ideas must become operational parts of Western regimes; concepts which are to be recognised and given effect to within the decision-making processes of bodies charged with the administration of particular legislation as well as the courts. Drawing on Commons' observations about the nature of artificial selection - the process by which the meaning of ideas and language is consciously or subconsciously manipulated by the group in power in order to advance its own interests, it becomes evident that, in the context of the common law legal system, Māori concepts have become detached from their original purpose and meaning.


2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 102-114
Author(s):  
Le Thi Bich Thuy

Sharing the sources of Southeast Asian folklore and folk literature, magical fairy tales of Vietnam and Laos have many similarities in a motif of building orphan characters. Applying structural theory in fairy tales with immutability and changes, the structure of the story is described by a series of events “signs help to make a schematic comparison of the structure of various tales,” (Propp, 1968, p.25) the article studies the magical fairy tale Tam and Cam of Vietnam and the Golden Turtle of Laos to see the similarities and differences in the motif of building orphan characters. The similarities in the motif of building orphan characters such as: story structure, character system, incarnation motif, unique object motif, magical force motif show the common cultural space of the region. However, the difference in the situation of the story and the use of magical forces and elements in the story show the customs, belief characteristics, artistic tastes and cultural identity of each nation.


Daphnis ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 655-681
Author(s):  
Oliver Bach

Abstract The aim of this article is to outline how Hans Blumenberg’s conception of lifetime and world time (Lebenszeit und Weltzeit, 1986) can help to elucidate a substantial problem of utopian literature and its development from the 16th to the 18th century: utopias always try to illustrate the ways by which the single members of a political community harmonise with the community as a whole. The congruence of private good and common good, private interest and common interest, private will and general will is a main task of 17th and 18th century political philosophy. Blumenberg’s book, however, allows us to focus on the existential dimension of this harmonisation: under which circumstances may the single members become so wise and virtuous within their lifetimes that they always know about and comply with the common good? 18th century utopias seem to find answers to this question in theories of moral sense, common sense and aesthetic education.


Author(s):  
Benno Weiner

This introductory chapter explains that the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) goal in 1950s Amdo was not just state building but also nation building, which required the construction of narratives and policies capable of convincing Amdo Tibetans of their membership in a wider political community. It argues that Communist Party leaders implicitly understood both the administrative and epistemological obstacles to transforming an expansive, variegated, and vertically organized imperial formation into an integrated, socialist, multinational state. Moreover, the ideological underpinnings of the CCP demanded the active participation of individuals and communities in this new sociopolitical order, albeit in heavily scripted ways and as part of a distinct hierarchy of power. The CCP therefore adopted and adapted imperial strategies of rule, often collectively referred to as the United Front, as means to “gradually,” “voluntarily,” and “organically” bridge the gap between empire and nation. As demonstrated, however, the United Front ultimately lost out to a revolutionary impatience that demanded more immediate paths to national integration and socialist transformation. This led in 1958 to communization, large-scale rebellion, and its brutal pacification. Rather than a voluntary union, Amdo was integrated through the widespread and often indiscriminate use of violence, a violence that lingers in the living memory of Amdo Tibetans and many others.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document