National Identity in the Indonesian Youth [Identitas Nasional di Kalangan Orang Muda Indonesia]

National identity (identitas nasional [IN]) and ethnic identity (identitas suku bangsa [ISB]) as two forms of social identity are important to scrutinize in the multi-ethnic nation of Indonesia. This research comprised two studies and aimed to uncover the Indonesian youth’s national identity (identitas nasional [IN]) on a sample of male and female students with different backgrounds in ethnicity, religion, and identity source. Study 1 aimed to construct an instrument of youth’s national identity (identitas nasional [IN]) by adapting the Skala Identitas Suku Bangsa (SISB; 2019), resulting in the Skala Identitas Nasional (SIN) consisting of 12 items (rit = 0.35 -0.64; α = 0.84). Study 2 aimed to explore the participants’ national identity (identitas nasional [IN]; N = 480) by considering the differences of their backgrounds. The results showed that in general the participants’ level of national identity (identitas nasional [IN]) was high, especially on the Balinese and Florinese samples; their level of national identity (identitas nasional [IN]) correlated with their level of ethnic identity (identitas suku bangsa [ISB]); religion related with levels of national identity (identitas nasional [IN]) through its connection with ethnicity, hence the Hindu-Balinese sample indicated the highest; the majority of participants acknowledged the parents and the extended family as their source of identity, but seemed to fail in contributing to the formation of the youth’s national identity (identitas nastional [IN]); male participants showed a higher level of national identity (identitas nasional [IN]) than female participants. Possible causes of the important findings were discussed and follow-up research on those findings were recommended. Identitas nasional (IN) dan identitas suku bangsa (ISB) sebagai dua bentuk identitas sosial penting dicermati dalam masyarakat Bangsa Indonesia yang multi-etnik. Penelitian ini meliputi dua studi, bertujuan mengungkap identitas nasional (IN) orang muda Indonesia dengan sampel mahasiswa laki-laki dan perempuan berlatar-belakang suku bangsa, agama, dan sumber identitas berlainan. Studi 1 bertujuan menyusun alat ukur identitas nasional (IN) orang muda dengan mengadaptasi Skala Identitas Suku Bangsa (SISB; 2019), menghasilkan Skala Identitas Nasional (SIN) yang terdiri dari 12 butir (rit = 0.35-0.64; α = 0.84). Studi 2 bertujuan mengungkap identitas nasional (IN) partisipan (N = 480) secara eksploratif dengan memperhatikan perbedaan latar belakang mereka. Hasilnya, secara umum taraf identitas nasional (IN) partisipan cukup tinggi, khususnya pada sampel suku bangsa Bali dan Flores; taraf identitas nasional (IN) mereka berkorelasi dengan taraf identitas suku bangsa (ISB); agama berhubungan dengan taraf identitas nasional (IN) melalui hubungannya dengan suku bangsa, maka sampel Hindu-Bali menunjukkan taraf identitas nasional (IN) tertinggi; mayoritas partisipan mengakui orang tua dan keluarga besar sebagai sumber identitas, namun ada indikasi mereka kurang berperan dalam pembentukan identitas nasional (IN) orang muda; sampel laki-laki menunjukkan taraf identitas nasional (IN) lebih tinggi dibandingkan sampel perempuan. Kemungkinan penyebab temuan-temuan penting dibahas, dan saran untuk penelitian lebih lanjut dikemukakan.

Personal Knowledge Management of Jabodetabek Urban Community in Indonesia in Facing Digital Era

This study discusses how personal knowledge management in Jabodetabek urban community (stand for Jakarta, Bogor, Depok, Tangerang, Bekasi) in Indonesia, as a multi-ethnic nation with a thick oral culture is facing the digital era. The urgency of this research is to be able to build awareness and managing knowledge effectively in society. This research uses quantitative approach with case study method. Data is collected using the Google-form questionnaire between January-July 2018. Respondents are determined by non-probability sampling methods, obtained 224 respondents. The findings show that the strategy of gaining knowledge is at the highest level, while knowledge sharing is at the lowest level. In addition, the community has not fully utilized knowledge in this digital era. They focus on knowledge about hobbies, entertainment, and health. It was concluded that individuals who, on average, were students and office workers, showed effectiveness of knowledge management that were not optimally integrated, thus hampering the development of knowledge itself. Ideally individuals actively share knowledge for mutual progress, Jabodetabek communities are still passive, and sharing knowledge in close environment that are related to school or office assignments. This issue can be developed using a qualitative approach in order to gain deeper understanding of personal knowledge management from cultural perspective.

Fair terms of integration in a liberal framework

This essay conceptualized the integration of immigrants vis-à-vis a liberal state's nation-building practices, which heavily condition and configure the terms of integration. It focuses on Canada which has engaged in two kinds of nation building: ethnic nation building which creates a political community based on the reproduction of a particular ethnonational identity, and civic nation building which aspires to a political community based on common principles and is thought to be culturally neutral. Fair terms of integration need to begin with how nation building practices are necessarily built into the structure of a liberal state and privilege citizens. Immigrant multiculturalism as proposed by liberal theorist, Will Kymlicka is one way for liberalism to achieve fair terms of integration in light of nation building; however, it is ill equipped to deal with the complexity of cultural identity and because it leaves the common societal cultural intact.

Fair terms of integration in a liberal framework

This essay conceptualized the integration of immigrants vis-à-vis a liberal state's nation-building practices, which heavily condition and configure the terms of integration. It focuses on Canada which has engaged in two kinds of nation building: ethnic nation building which creates a political community based on the reproduction of a particular ethnonational identity, and civic nation building which aspires to a political community based on common principles and is thought to be culturally neutral. Fair terms of integration need to begin with how nation building practices are necessarily built into the structure of a liberal state and privilege citizens. Immigrant multiculturalism as proposed by liberal theorist, Will Kymlicka is one way for liberalism to achieve fair terms of integration in light of nation building; however, it is ill equipped to deal with the complexity of cultural identity and because it leaves the common societal cultural intact.

Human Rights Before the Impact of Industrial Revolution 4.0: Opportunity and Challenges

Human rights are a noble, humane value and a historical product popularity. Human rights are associated with historical traditions, political regimes,the level of development of each ethnic nation. Nowadays, especially in the context of the industrial revolution 4.0, the issue of human rights has become a common concern of the international community, one of the indispensable factors in major planning. Books, laws and foreign relations of each country. In Vietnam, ensuring human rights is a consistent policy in the development strategy, taking people as the goal and driving force of development. Along with the growing and deeper integration of Vietnam, policies to promote and guarantee human rights have been paid more attention to the whole political system. Industrial Revolution 4.0 has had a profound impact on all areas of socio-economic life, including human rights. To promote opportunities and minimize negative impacts, countries need to evaluate the impact of this revolution comprehensively, including the impact on human rights.

Heuristic Potential of Sammy Smooha Ethnic Democracy Concept

The article next to the hermeneutic methodology examines the key aspects of a special model of political regime: the "ethnic democracy" of S. Smooha, which is based on the idea of the development of an ethnic nation in a state. According to this author's point of view, the main idea of this form of stability is the absolute control of the ethnic majority over the minority. It examines the reasons for the emergence of "ethnic democracy", the characteristics of its implementation in practice and the conditions of stability. When this model is implemented in practice, the State pursues the objective of central ethnic-national development in the country, as well as its isolation from other ethnic groups. Under the concept of "ethnic democracy" the ethnic minority is granted limited rights, the state constantly monitors its scope, considering the interests of the "main" nation. It is concluded that the implementation of the "ethnic democracy" model deliberately violates the right to self-identification of a part of the population (ethnic minority), therefore "ethnic democracy" is an element of state policy that addresses inequality or a desire for total assimilation.

“New nationalism” and the issue of nations in the interpretation of American social theorists

The article considers the so-called new nationalism that has been developing in the United States and other Western countries since the last decades of the 20th century as a system of ideas about nations, sovereignty, racial and national relations, and also currents of nationalism. Recent forecasts of the ideologists of globalism about the inevitable departure from the political scene of nation-states, nations and nationalism are opposed by the contemporary nationalism which became a real political factor, primarily in the United States. The authors show the variety of concepts of nationalism, which allows its supporters in the United States to follow both openly chauvinistic ideas and liberal ideas of solidarity that makes up the nation. Among the reasons for the rise of nationalism, the authors consider the interaction of two trends in the public-political life - politicization of ethnicity and ethnicization (or nationalization) of politics. The authors believe that the emphasis on ethnic nation and ethnic nationalism (as opposed to civil nation and civil nationalism) reflects the exacerbation of inter-ethnic tensions in the United States and other Western countries. Based on the analysis of the new nationalism, the authors distinguish its right direction, whose supporters nominally renounce Nazism and racism but promote similar ideas, and a moderate liberal direction which often equates nationalism with patriotism. Representatives of both trends appeal to national interests and values of the nations historic core, and criticize migration policy and multiculturalism. In addition to white racism and its evolution, the article considers the scope of nationalism and patriotism of African-American movements, in particular Black Lives Matter and the results of the study of the dual consciousness of African Americans as combining the concept of nation within a nation and a new, completely American identity. Despite many American theorists idea of the absence of the American nation as such, the authors consider the concept of a new identity of the American nation, which M. Lind defines as a unity of language and culture, regardless of the racial composition, i.e. as an expression of liberal nationalism and a renewed concept of the melting pot. Lind and his colleagues believe that the factor of the current split of the American nation is not racial or ethnic confrontation (Balkanization) but the social gap between rich and poor. The authors consider the criticism of the policy of the American ruling class as a means for the sociological study of the racial problem and for the development of ways for solving it.

Princess Wencheng in historical writing: The difficulty in narrating ethnic history in multi-ethnic China

For a multi-ethnic political entity, whether it is an empire or a nation-state, the key to survival is an inclusive order under which multiple ethnic groups with different heritages coexist peacefully. Historical writing on ethnic groups and interactions among them is an important part of this order. To demonstrate this point, this paper offers an examination of three different historical narratives of Princess Wencheng, the heroine of a “peace-making marriage” of the Tang Empire (AD 618–907), who married Songtsen Gampo, the king of Tubo (the ancient name of Tibet). In the first narrative, which is from Chinese classical literature, Princess Wencheng was treated as an insignificant figure and the text paid much more attention to the ceremony of the “peace-making marriage” than to the princess’s individual traits. In the second narrative, which is from Tibetan ancient literature, the princess was portrayed as the incarnation of “Green Tara”, a tantric deity in Tibetan Buddhism, and supposedly possessed goddess qualities and magical powers. This striking difference reflects the different views about the world and its ideal order of the two ancient civilizations. The third narrative, which was shaped by the nationalist discourse during the first part of the 20th century, depicted a new image of Princess Wencheng, gradually transforming her into a “transmitter of technology.” This paper offers a detailed analysis of this evolution and, furthermore, a critical comment on the historical writing done under the guidance of the so-called “progressive view of history”. Our conclusion provides a theoretical discussion of the structural dilemma for modern China as a multi-ethnic nation-state.

Violence and the Ethnic Nation-State, 1939–1949

In the Mashriq, the Second World War saw not only the British reoccupation of territory as insurance against Axis expansionism, and the French doubling down on colonial claims to land, resources, and people, but also an ongoing battle—sometimes literally—between these competing European concepts of postwar empire, both of which made use of local iterations of ethnicity, religion, and nationhood to bolster particular visions of ongoing imperial possession. This appropriation of communal identities for imperial purposes culminated in the war for Palestine in 1948, which resulted in the mass dispossession of the Palestinians and the foundation of a Jewish state of Israel—a confirmation of the ethno-national state as the primary mode of political organization in the modern global order.