scholarly journals Confucianism and Philosophy of a Shared-Future Global Community in an Inter-civilisational World Order: Comparative Analysis of Their Relationships and Prospects

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (8) ◽  
pp. 01-09
Author(s):  
Barack Lujia Bao
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
Dominant Role ◽  
World Order ◽  
International Order ◽  
Han Chinese ◽  
Global Community ◽  
Core Element ◽  
Philosophical Concept ◽  
Peaceful Rise ◽  
Classical State

The Western-initiating international relations theoretical framework plays a fairly dominant role in analysing and initiating the prospects and scenarios of international order. However, with the peaceful rise of China, whose civlisation sustains almost 5000 years, China is playing a more proactive role in inter-civilisational international order; thus, in-depth explorations into Confucianism as the core element of Han Chinese Civilisation have been resurgent on the world stage, and it is indispensable for relevant scholars, intellectuals and strategists to closely evaluate unexploited implications and demystify the sustainability and intrinsic dynamism of Confucianism-themed Han Chinese Civilisation, and its implicit ties with a comparable philosophical concept of a global community of shared future. Through historical-studies approaches and comparative methodologies, the primary purpose of this paper seeks to crucially investigate a potential relationship between Confucianism and the philosophical concept of a global community of shared future ranging from the perspectives of historical origin, context, substance and so forth. It can be argued that the philosophical standpoint of a community of shared future for humankind bears historical significance and merits that Confucian thoughts somehow generate. This paper of research findings meanwhile predicts that China’s inter-civlisational international engagement as part of China’s soft-power strategy will proceed beyond classical state-based theoretic framework and the Confucian thoughts of the prevalence of public spirit and harmony without homogeneity will grow as an alternative guiding international norm in better services of rebuilding normative, inter-civilisational international order that a global community demands.

Toward Global Community: Sufism and World Order

2010 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdul Aziz Said ◽  
Nathan C. Funk
Keyword(s):  
World Order ◽  
Global Community

The 1945 World Order – Process with «Open» Continuation

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 52-79
Author(s):  
V. T. Yungblud
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
World Order ◽  
International Order ◽  
International Terrorism ◽  
Bipolar Structure ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The World ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Cold War

The Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations, established by culmination of World War II, was created to maintain the security and cooperation of states in the post-war world. Leaders of the Big Three, who ensured the Victory over the fascist-militarist bloc in 1945, made decisive contribution to its creation. This system cemented the world order during the Cold War years until the collapse of the USSR in 1991 and the destruction of the bipolar structure of the organization of international relations. Post-Cold War changes stimulated the search for new structures of the international order. Article purpose is to characterize circumstances of foundations formation of postwar world and to show how the historical decisions made by the leaders of the anti-Hitler coalition powers in 1945 are projected onto modern political processes. Study focuses on interrelated questions: what was the post-war world order and how integral it was? How did the political decisions of 1945 affect the origins of the Cold War? Does the American-centrist international order, that prevailed at the end of the 20th century, genetically linked to the Atlantic Charter and the goals of the anti- Hitler coalition in the war, have a future?Many elements of the Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations in the 1990s survived and proved their viability. The end of the Cold War and globalization created conditions for widespread democracy in the world. The liberal system of international relations, which expanded in the late XX - early XXI century, is currently experiencing a crisis. It will be necessary to strengthen existing international institutions that ensure stability and security, primarily to create barriers to the spread of national egoism, radicalism and international terrorism, for have a chance to continue the liberal principles based world order (not necessarily within a unipolar system). Prerequisite for promoting idea of a liberal system of international relations is the adjustment of liberalism as such, refusal to unilaterally impose its principles on peoples with a different set of values. This will also require that all main participants in modern in-ternational life be able to develop a unilateral agenda for common problems and interstate relations, interact in a dialogue mode, delving into the arguments of opponents and taking into account their vital interests.

Historical Foundations, Strategic Visions, and World Order

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul J. Bolt ◽  
Sharyl N. Cross
Keyword(s):  
World Order ◽  
International Order ◽  
Power Relationships ◽  
State Behavior ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Relationship

Chapter 1 explores perspectives on world order, including power relationships and the rules that shape state behavior and perceptions of legitimacy. After outlining a brief history of the relationship between Russia and China that ranged from cooperation to military clashes, the chapter details Chinese and Russian perspectives on the contemporary international order as shaped by their histories and current political situation. Chinese and Russian views largely coincide on security issues, the desirability of a more multipolar order, and institutions that would enhance their standing in the world. While the Chinese–Russian partnership has accelerated considerably, particularly since the crisis in Ukraine in 2014, there are still some areas of competition that limit the extent of the relationship.

Liberal Internationalism 3.0: America and the Dilemmas of Liberal World Order

2009 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. John Ikenberry
Keyword(s):  
World Order ◽  
International Order ◽  
Woodrow Wilson ◽  
Liberal Internationalism ◽  
Democratic Community ◽  
Cooperative Security ◽  
Fixed Set ◽  
Liberal Vision ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Open Markets

Liberal international order—both its ideas and real-world political formations—is not embodied in a fixed set of principles or practices. Open markets, international institutions, cooperative security, democratic community, progressive change, collective problem solving, the rule of law—these are aspects of the liberal vision that have made appearances in various combinations and changing ways over the last century. I argue that it is possible to identify three versions or models of liberal international order—versions 1.0, 2.0, and 3.0. The first is associated with the ideas of Woodrow Wilson, the second is the Cold War liberal internationalism of the post-1945 decades, and the third version is a sort of post-hegemonic liberal internationalism that has only partially appeared and whose full shape and logic is still uncertain. I develop a set of dimensions that allow for identifying different logics of liberal international order and identify variables that will shape the movement from liberal internationalism 2.0 to 3.0.

Closing the ‘blue hole’: Maritime history as a core element of historical research

2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-332
Author(s):  
Ingo Heidbrink
Keyword(s):  
Growth Rates ◽  
Historical Research ◽  
Maritime History ◽  
International Congress ◽  
Global History ◽  
Global Community ◽  
Core Element ◽  
The Core ◽  
The Past ◽  
Blue Hole

The articles in this Forum are revised versions of papers presented in a roundtable session of the XXII International Congress of Historical Sciences, which was held in Jinan, China, during August 2015. In line with the roundtable format deployed by the congress, a broad proposition was introduced in the opening paper, followed by four responses delivered by experts in the field and a plenary discussion of the issues raised by the speakers. In this session, the proponent, Ingo Heidbrink, discussed the development of maritime history as a historical sub-discipline in relation to the emergence of world (and global) history. Particular attention was afforded to the comparative growth rates of these cognate sub-disciplines, and to the reasons why maritime history has expanded relatively slowly, leading to the emergence of a ‘blue hole’ in our knowledge and understanding of the past. The four respondents then addressed the issues raised by Heidbrink from their own disciplinary and regional perspectives. As Heidbrink’s ‘Concluding Remarks’ indicate, all participants agreed that, in itself, the allocation of a session to this subject on the core programme of the congress was a significant recognition that maritime history is a historical sub-discipline that is of relevance to the wider global community of historians, and not just those who are interested in the interaction of humans and the oceans.

scholarly journals Expo2020 Dubai on the journey to achieve the United Arab Emirates’ Soft Superpower

2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (2A) ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Krzymowski
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
United Arab Emirates ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
New World ◽  
International System ◽  
Practical Importance ◽  
World Order ◽  
Main Question ◽  
New World Order ◽  
Great Opportunity

This paper presents an analysis of the role and significance of Expo2020 Dubai for UAE soft power in connection with the current and future global strategic challenges. The New World Order that emerged after the fall of the Soviet Union, when President Bush Sr proclaimed a “new world order” at the time of the Gulf War in 1991. Now, we have a stage of global political and economic chaos with no grand winners and a greater number of losers. Fast forward 30 years later, in 2021, we need connecting minds, creating a future that frees the world of wars and political strife, and its promises to eradicate poverty, disease and hunger. The plethora of initiatives may have a positive impact on Asia, but there is also the risk that fierce competition may result in unprofitable projects, while the economic slowdown could cause a decline in funding. Expo2020 Dubai is a great soft power tool, as well as a contribution to the newly emerging international system. Therefore, the researcher put the main question: what is Expo2020 Dubai’ role and significance for UAE soft power strategy and dynamics of international relations. The accepted hypothesis is that Expo2020 Dubai has a great opportunity to be added value for building a new global order.In order to conduct scientific research, the author used many theoretical methods and tools, including the use of neorealist theory, analysis of constellations of interests, or neo-institutional theory. In addition, due to the researcher’s participation in many of the processes studied, the work is also based on personal experience. In this sense, the research study has scientific as well as practical importance. Keywords: Soft Power, Expo 2020 Dubai, International Branding, United Arab Emirates, International Relations.

scholarly journals GRANDE ESTRATÉGIA: POLÍTICA EXTERNA E DEFESA EM UM MUNDO EM TRANSFORMAÇÃO

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (7) ◽  
Author(s):  
Celso Amorim
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
World Order ◽  
Defense Policy ◽  
Mixed Structure ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
The World ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Brazilian Case

In the last years of the twentieth century, after the end of the Cold War, the world has evolved into a mixed structure, which preserves the characteristics of unipolarity at the same time that approaches to a multipolar world in some ways. In an international reality marked by its fluid nature, the emergence of new actors and the so-called "asymmetric threats" has not eliminated the former agents in the world order. And the conflict between the States has not disappeared from the horizon. In this context, diplomacy must have the permanent support of defense policy. Therefore, in the Brazilian case, the paper presents that the country should adopt a grand strategy that combines foreign policy and defense policy, in which soft power will be enhanced by hard power.

After Unipolarity: China's Visions of International Order in an Era of U.S. Decline

2011 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Randall L. Schweller ◽  
Xiaoyu Pu
Keyword(s):  
Early Stage ◽  
World Order ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
International Order ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
New World Order ◽  
Global Power ◽  
Rising Power ◽  
Emerging Powers

The emerging transition from unipolarity to a more multipolar distribution of global power presents a unique and unappreciated problem that largely explains why, contrary to the expectations of balance of power theory, a counterbalancing reaction to U.S. primacy has not yet taken place. The problem is that, under unipolarity and only unipolarity, balancing is a revisionist, not a status quo, behavior: its purpose is to replace the existing unbalanced unipolar structure with a balance of power system. Thus, any state that seeks to restore a global balance of power will be labeled a revisionist aggressor. To overcome this ideational hurdle to balancing behavior, a rising power must delegitimize the unipole's global authority and order through discursive and cost-imposing practices of resistance that pave the way for the next phase of full-fledged balancing and global contestation. The type of international order that emerges on the other side of the transition out of unipolarity depends on whether the emerging powers assume the role of supporters, spoilers, or shirkers. As the most viable peer competitor to U.S. power, China will play an especially important role in determining the future shape of international politics. At this relatively early stage in its development, however, China does not yet have a fixed blueprint for a new world order. Instead, competing Chinese visions of order map on to various delegitimation strategies and scenarios about how the transition from unipolarity to a restored global balance of power will develop.

Why the Liberal World Order Will Survive

2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. John Ikenberry
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
World Order ◽  
International Order ◽  
Power Transition ◽  
Global Order ◽  
The West ◽  
Regional Institutions

AbstractThe crisis of the American-led international order would seem to open up new opportunities for rising states—led by China, India, and other non-Western developing countries—to reshape the global order. As their capacities and influence grow, will these states rise up and integrate into the existing order or will they seek to overturn and reorganize it? The realist hegemonic perspective expects today's power transition to lead to growing struggles between the West and the “rest” over global rules and institutions. In contrast, this essay argues that although America's hegemonic position may be declining, the liberal international characteristics of order—openness, rules, and multilateralism—are deeply rooted and likely to persist. And even as China seeks in various ways to build rival regional institutions, there are stubborn limits on what it can do.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document