scholarly journals الارتباطات السياسية في فضائية فلسطين وأثرها على التغطية الإخبارية مفهوم القدس

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 110-138
Author(s):  
Ihab Ahmed Awais

 تعد قضية القدس عنصراً  أساسياً لا يمكن تجاهله في مكونات القضية الفلسطينية، بل قد تمتد أهميتها لتطغى بالنسبة للفلسطينيين على أهمية الإنسان نفسه وبقاءه، لذلك كانت هي بوصلة الثورات والانتفاضات وقبلتهم، ورغم هذه الأهمية إلا أنها عانت من غياب وضبابية في تحديد مفهوم وشكل وجودها في أجندة الأحزاب الفلسطينية الرئيسية وعلى رأسها حركة فتح الممثلة للسلطة الفلسطينية،  وانعكست هذه الضبابية على الخطاب الإعلامي الذي صاغته عبر وسائل اعلامها بشكل عام وعلى رأسها فضائية فلسطين، ليبدو أن القدس بالنسبة لها قد لا تنطلق من ثوابت، وإنما من محددات سياسية تخضع للتغيير والتأويل وإعادة القولبة، انطلاقاً من هذه النظرية يحاول هذا البحث تحليل التغطية الإخبارية والخطاب الإعلامي لدى فضائية فلسطين، وتحديد حجم اهتمامهما بموضوع القدس وقضاياها كماً ونوعاً، مستخدماً منهج تحليل المضمون كأداة بحثية، حيث أشارت النتائج إلى تباين واضح في التغطية الإعلامية في المواضيع المتعلقة بقضايا القدس ومستجداتها من حيث الوقت والقالب، حيث غلب على التغطية ردات الفعل والمناسبية في التغطية، مع ظهور واضح للمفاهيم والمفردات السياسية على تحديد مفهوم وشكل مدينة القدس من منطلق الاتفاقيات السياسية ما بين حركة فتح ودولة الاحتلال. Abstract Despite the importance of Al-Quds in the Palestinian cause, Al-Quds suffered from ambiguity in defining its concept and the form of its presence in the agenda of the main Palestinian parties, particularly by Fatah that represented the Palestinian Authority. This ambiguity has reflected and formulated, especially in Palestine TV. Thus, the concept of Al-Quds for the channel may not be based on constants sides, but rather on political commitments that are subject to change and interpretation. This paper analysed the news and media coverage of Palestine TV and determined the allocation size of their interest in Al-Quds issues in quantity and quality, using the content analysing methodology. The results indicated a bright contrast in the media coverage in the topics related to Al-Quds issues and developments in terms of time allotted and the template used. However, the coverage of the channel was dominated by reactions and the developments in events, with the emergence of clear concepts and political vocabulary on the definition of the concept and form of Al-Quds from the political agreements between Fatah movement and the occupation state.  

Author(s):  
Rocío Zamora ◽  
Juan Antonio Marín Albadalejo

Resumen Lo que algunos ya llaman una cultura política del escándalo (Barkin, 1999; Thompson, 2001; Castells, 2009) ha supuesto el reconocimiento del poder de los medios en la construcción simbólica del escándalo, a partir del énfasis en ciertos marcos interpretativos con los que se narran las conductas que condicionan la percepción pública de los escándalos políticos. Este trabajo se centra en la representación simbólica de los escándalos de corrupción política. El análisis de la cobertura periodística sobre un caso de gran actualidad en Murcia, el ‘caso Umbra’, demuestra que, además de por el relato político-técnico, legal y moral, los escándalos de corrupción política pueden ser también enmarcados desde el enfoque reputacional, es decir, a partir de preocupación por el deterioro de la imagen que la proliferación de escándalos de corrupción política ofrece sobre un territorio concreto y  sus instituciones.Palabras clave Escándalo político, corrupción política, framing, cultura política, poder político.AbstractWe live in, as some scholars called, a scandal political culture (Barkin, 1999; Thompson, 2001; Castells, 2009) that has supposed the recognition of the media power in the symbolic construction of scandals, where the emphasis in certain interpretive frames with which behaviours are narrated determine public perceptions of the political scandals. This article focuses on the symbolic representation of political corruption scandals. The analysis of the media coverage on this great current importance case in Murcia, called the ‘Umbra’ case, demonstrates that, besides the political- technical, legal and moral, the political corruption, scandals can be framed also from the reputation approach, that is to say, from the worried deterioration on the public image that political corruption scandals proliferation supposes on a concrete territory and his institutions.Keywords Political scandal, political corruption, framing, political culture, political power.


Author(s):  
Stefaan Walgrave ◽  
Peter Van Aelst

Recently, the number of studies examining whether media coverage has an effect on the political agenda has been growing strongly. Most studies found that preceding media coverage does exert an effect on the subsequent attention for issues by political actors. These effects are contingent, though, they depend on the type of issue and the type of political actor one is dealing with. Most extant work has drawn on aggregate time-series designs, and the field is as good as fully non-comparative. To further develop our knowledge about how and why the mass media exert influence on the political agenda, three ways forward are suggested. First, we need better theory about why political actors would adopt media issues and start devoting attention to them. The core of such a theory should be the notion of the applicability of information encapsulated in the media coverage to the goals and the task at hand of the political actors. Media information has a number of features that make it very attractive for political actors to use—it is often negative, for instance. Second, we plead for a disaggregation of the level of analysis from the institutional level (e.g., parliament) or the collective actor level (e.g., party) to the individual level (e.g., members of parliament). Since individuals process media information, and since the goals and tasks of individuals that trigger the applicability mechanism are diverse, the best way to move forward is to tackle the agenda setting puzzle at the individual level. This implies surveying individual elites or, even better, implementing experimental designs to individual elite actors. Third, the field is in dire need of comparative work comparing how political actors respond to media coverage across countries or political systems.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Anita McMurtry

Now that media coverage has waned, it is the time for reflecting on last year’s highs and lows as we make improvements for the future. Extensively covered in the media, the midterm election cycle was a 2018 event for the history books. These developments still present a unique opportunity for teaching civic engagement to students. We professors may have been energetic and eager about discussing the issues in our classrooms. On the contrary, some of our students might have lacked the same enthusiasm. Others may have expressed outright anxiety regarding the political process. What can we do to help with such issues in the future?


Author(s):  
Laurits Harmer Lassen ◽  
Søren Kjellberg Ishøy

The article describes the American presidential election in the two largest American and Danish newspapers: USA Today, New York Times, Jyllands-Posten and Politiken. Two weeks of news about the election have been analysed and showed that around 60 to 70 percent of all stories focused on the political processes contrary to the political substance. At the same time the analysis show that in broad terms the Danish and American newspapers coverage are quite similar. On the basis of theories of democracy the article makes a critique of the media coverage and give possible explanations of, why the focus is more on the political game than on the political substance.


Author(s):  
Jens Wolling ◽  
Dorothee Arlt

The annual climate summits (Conferences of the Parties, or COPs) are major political events that receive considerable media attention. In this way, the topic of climate change returns regularly to both the media and the political agenda. It makes sense, therefore, that communication research regards COPs as occasion to investigating how the media cover climate change. Nevertheless, this strategy has two shortcomings: On the one hand the focus on the conferences might provide a distorted picture—because of the political character of the conferences, the role of political actors and policy-related frames might be overestimated. On the other hand, the political character of the conferences is not always considered appropriately. Most research is mainly interested in the coverage on climate change in the context of the conferences and not in the political discussions taking place at the summits. Future research should address these discussions more intensively, giving more attention especially to the debates in the various online media.


World Economy ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 29 (5) ◽  
pp. 655-667 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia Kuzyk ◽  
Jill J. McCluskey

2017 ◽  
Vol 27 (5) ◽  
pp. 417-432 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anders Esmark ◽  
Sarah R Schoop

The article contributes to the growing literature on framing of deservingness as an alternative to ‘blame avoidance’ strategies in the politics of welfare retrenchment. In particular, the article focuses on the interplay between political framing and media framing. Based on an analysis of two major welfare reforms involving reductions of social benefits in Denmark in 2005 and 2013, the article analyses the frames used by politicians supporting and opposing reform, as well as the frames used by the media. The article shows, first, that political reforms reducing social benefits are followed by increased framing of recipients as undeserving. The article finds a strong correlation between the political objective of reducing benefits and the reliance on frames that position recipients as undeserving. Second, the article shows that media framing remains significantly different from political framing in both years. However, the results also show that the media become less critical and more prone to frame recipients as undeserving along with the changes in political framing. Third, the article shows that media coverage of retrenchment reforms will be more critical under conditions of political conflict than in the case of political consensus. However, this result is also qualified by the observation that the media increasingly seek outside sources in order to find alternative voices under conditions approximating political consensus.


Author(s):  
Agnieszka Kasińska-Metryka

Political leadership is among the fundamental political-science categories, it remains to be defined clearly as a phenomenon. Nevertheless, as the years have passed, conditions in and around political systems have given rise to leadership models models describable in line with a triad of change from traditional leadership to marketing-oriented leadership and then to neo-leadership. The innovative definition of the latter has then been brought together with considerations of political image, with the resultant category then proving of interest to those researching either the political, or the sociological, or the communicological perspectives. The images of all key players in politics are both created and managed, while leadership that is actually effective or perceived to be so is essential if political power and support are to be built and maintained. The example of Polish President Andrzej Duda is here used in an analysis of the image of Head of State, in the circumstances of the 2015–2020 period overall, as well as the 2020 (re-) election campaign. This is done with a view to answering a general question regarding the extent to which a given politician (and here A. Duda specifically) is the creator or the prisoner of his/her own image. Account is thus taken of the factors shaping the image of this particular President (i.e. advisors and family, the media and the electorate). While the conclusions obtained here are not unequivocal, they do open up new questions relating to the future of leadership in times of crises and the existence of major populist movements. Consideration of these issues is here based mainly on the comparative and historical methods.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (47) ◽  
pp. 85-108
Author(s):  
Jovana Trajković

Low social awareness of disability issues maintains discriminatory attitudes in society and does not contribute to improving the position of persons with disabilities. The media play a significant role in this because they produce new or reproduce existing meanings through representation. The media represent different identities and act as a forum for the social construction of reality, they construct and reproduce the social definition of disability. A highly discriminatory society is the main reason for the difficult life of people with disabilities, but objective media coverage of the topic of disability and persons with disabilities can improve this situation. Such reporting would contribute to changing the stereotypical attitudes towards which a person with a disability is viewed as one who needs help and pity, without considering physical and cultural barriers created in society. If living conditions were adapted to people with disabilities to the extent that they were adapted to all other persons, the quality of life of persons with disabilities would be significantly improved. In the research conducted for the purposes of this paper, we came to the conclusion that print media in Serbia do not devote sufficient space to the topic of disability, and generally report stereotypically.


Dynamis ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-347
Author(s):  
Kimberly Probolus

This paper explores how discourses of giftedness informed attitudes towards parenting in the United States from 1920 to 1960. Using psychologists’ studies of giftedness, media coverage of the topic, and guidebooks for parents of gifted children, I argue that giftedness emerged in the 1910s, and by the 1920s addressed a newly limited definition of intelligence and problems in urban public education, coinciding with the popularity of the culture and personality school. Scholarly debates about giftedness traveled from the academy to the wider public through the media and guidebooks for parents. Media coverage brought awareness of the problem of the neglected gifted student, and guidebooks offered parents practical suggestions about how to raise gifted children. I show that the discourse contributed to racial segregation in American schools and classrooms by using merit to determine access to educa- tional opportunity. Experts’ advice about giftedness also altered expectations about childrearing and encouraged parents to become more involved in their child’s educational development. This argument puts the history of psychology in conversation with histories of parenting, and it evidences how the discourse on giftedness impacted institutional inequality both through merit-based gifted and talented programs and by impacting ideologies of parenting. Thus, I provide a more comprehensive account of how and why giftedness profoundly shaped both the school and the home. This article considers the cultural work the discourse accomplished; it gave the public the impression that disparities in educational achievement between individuals and groups could be explained by the parenting a child received, putting significant pressure on all parents to make educational achievement a top priority for their child.


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