The Disconnect Between Design Practice and Political Interests

Author(s):  
Hajira QAZI ◽  
Sofia BOSCH GOMEZ

Long-term, sustainable transitions cannot occur without working at the political level to address the serious, global political challenges we are facing today. However, the capacity of design as a rigorous component and complement of the political world is yet to be seen. In this paper we discuss surveys we conducted, showing that there is a clear discrepancy between how designers engage in the political process as citizens and as professionals. We also discuss a subsequent workshop which allowed survey participants to explore these questions of roles and agency in greater depth and offered insights into barriers and opportunities. We found the workshop to be an effective method of helping designers identify leverage points and courses to intervene within both the designer’s sphere of influence and sphere of concern. In so doing, we might begin to draw more designers into the critical work of designing for a transition towards more inclusive and equitable socio-political futures.

2019 ◽  
pp. 23-28
Author(s):  
B.V. Grachev

The article is dedicated to the civilization basis of the political system of the Eurasian Economic Union founders, its genesis and realization on different historical stages. Special attention was paid to determining which cultural and civilizational characteristic influence on the political traditions’ similarity. The differences in political process of post-soviet countries are outlined with respect to the role of civilizational factors. In the last part one may find out about the influence of geopolitical and civilizational factors on integration process. Methodology is based on the historical and philosophical analysis via adaptation through the theory of local civilization. Generalization of local (national) civilization experience intrinsic to the founders of the Eurasian Economic Union and its impact assessment on the integration process is considered as a prime contribution. Furthermore, under the condition of strong demand for sovereignty the powerful national governance can be regarded as a formidable obstacle for deeper integration. In the long-term the formalization of ideological or civilizational basis is required and a variation of neoeurasianism is likely to play this role.


2012 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-175
Author(s):  
Gesine Manuwald

This paper discusses the function of speeches given by Cicero to the popular assembly (contio) as reports about recent political events or decrees. Several of the few extant examples are part of oratorical corpora consisting of speeches from politically difficult periods, namely from Cicero's consular year (63 BCE; Catilinarians) and from his fight against Mark Antony (44–43 BCE; Philippics). Cicero is shown to have applied his oratorical abilities in all these cases to exploit the contio speeches so as to present narrative accounts of political developments in his interpretation and thus to influence public opinion in the short term during the political process and particularly, within an edited corpus, in the long term.


The Forum ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-170
Author(s):  
David C.W. Parker

Abstract Students of American politics are indebted to Richard Fenno’s path-breaking work, Home Style, published four decades ago. But, given the book’s widespread acclaim, few have taken Fenno’s prescription to go back home with members of Congress to heart. In this essay, I echo Fenno’s call for scholars to become participant-observers of the political process while offering the modern “soaker and poker” a guide to the pitfalls and opportunities of pursuing such a research project. I respond to Fenno’s methodological treatise, written as the appendix to Home Style, focusing in particular on gaining access and how to remain publicly engaged while observing a competitive Senate campaign. I discuss how changes in American political culture create additional wrinkles for participant observation that must be considered, especially if scholars chose to remain engaged in public outreach. I conclude by addressing the need to consider carefully the ethics of engaging the political world we study, particularly in the light of the Stanford-Dartmouth experiment scandal rocking Montana in the weeks preceding the state’s 2014 judicial elections. We may not all do participant observation, but we should follow Fenno when considering the implications of interfering in the political world as we study it.


2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 202
Author(s):  
Ahmad Adi Suradi ◽  
Buyung Surahman

This article explains the dualism of the role of kiai pesantren (Islamic boarding school) in Banyuasin Regency, South Sumatera, as ulama and umara, which was later critically elaborated in this research on its implications to the pesantren education. Substantively, this research was inspired by the results of the study of the authors of the 2018 regional elections and ahead of the 2019 elections and presidential elections. The method of this writing can be categorized as qualitative research. The analysis in this paper is carried out on the basis of the concepts of space and field, especially to examine how far the kiai play religious teachings which they believe in social and political behavior in the midst of people’s lives. The results of this study indicate that the rise of kiai who are involved in the world of politics is full of intrigue and conflict among kiai-politicians. One important thing revealed in the involvement of kiai in the political world was that kiai were too close to power, so they used the pesantren for their political interests and made it an instrument for power. For a kiai of pesantren plus politicians, they should be able to carry out their two professions sincerely and istiqomah. If not, the influence of the kiai becomes meaningless, when his authority is deemed to have deviated from what he should have. As a result, many pesantren were abandoned and their development was very alarming. Because of differences in perspective in politics that lead to feuds between the interfaith and the pesantren that they foster.


Author(s):  
Russell J. Dalton

Previous scholarship has offered mixed opinions on how online activism will change patterns of political participation. Surveys of Americans in 2008 and 2012 provide empirical evidence on how people use the internet as a method of political participation. In some instances, internet activism substitutes for traditional offline forms of participation. But the opportunity for online participation also increases the active share of the public. As with other participation modes, the better educated are more likely to use online activity, which can further widen the participation gap. Social media are further changing how citizens participate in the political process by connecting individuals with shared political interests into communities of action.


1993 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-283 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr

Islamic revivalism is often believed to be solely committed to the Islamization of society, viewing politics as merely an instrument in the struggle to realize its aim. The record of Islamic revivalist movements—as exemplified by one of the oldest and most influential of them, the Jamaʿat-i Islami, or Islamic party of Pakistan—however, brings this presumption into question. The nature of the linkage between Islamic revivalism as a particular interpretive reading of Islam and politics is more complicated than is generally believed. Political interests, albeit still within an Islamic framework, play a more important and central role in the unfolding of revivalism—even overriding the commitment to Islamization—than is often ac knowledged. Participation in the political process eschews a blind commitment to Islamization and encourages adherence to organizational interests, and as is evi dent in the case of Pakistan, to the democratic process, characteristics that are not usually associated with Islamic movements. The dynamics and pace of this pro cess are controlled by the struggles for power within an Islamic movement as well as vis-à-vis the state. It is through grappling with these struggles that the commit ment to Islamization is weighed against the need to adhere to organizational and political interests; this is the process that governs the development of Islamic re vivalism. Beyond this general assertion, the manner in which the struggle for power unfolds, the variables that influence it, and the nature of its impact on the development of revivalism need to be explored further.


Author(s):  
Vera G. Semenova ◽  
◽  
Olga S. Skorohodova ◽  
Pavel Yu. Zozulya ◽  
◽  
...  

The article is devoted to the study of the main institutionalized and informal practices of representation of national interests in the political process of modern Russia. By analyzing the process of aggregation of interests of the Bashkir ethnic group, studying the main forms and activities of Bashkir national and cultural organizations, as well as the channels of lobbying the interests of the Republican political elite at the federal level, the authors conclude that there is a serious dissonance between the official discourse and the real mechanisms of representation of national interests. The process of politicization of “ethnicity”, which began in the 90s of the last century, led to the transformation of the national factor into a serious tool for building relations within the “center – regions” system, as well as to the replacement of the interests of ethnic groups with the economic and political interests of regional national elites. This circumstance, in its turn, leads to the priority of non-institutionalized forms of representation of national interests in the political process.


wisdom ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 39-50
Author(s):  
Emil ORDUKHANYAN

The political process, as one of political science primary categories, is an important basis for political analysis. The political reality is created as a result of human activity, and it is connected with interrelated political interests' realization aiming to achieve predefined goals. The article explores the theoretical and methodological foundations of political process based on the analysis of relevant works in this field of study. The institutional, behavioral, structural-functional approaches as well as conflict, discourse, and other methods of political process analysis are examined.   Summing up the results of explored issues, we concluded that political process is a dynamic and nonlinear political phenomenon that can vary in time, taking into account the impact of various direct or indirect factors. A comparative analysis of political process research approaches has shown that any particular approach can be efficient only in an appropriate situation and political time. In case of other circumstances' presence, the same approach cannot be applied efficiently to a precise political process. It is also necessary to consider the peculiarities of political process due to the political culture model, dominant in the given society.


2021 ◽  
Vol 188 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 55-76
Author(s):  
Michal Pehr

Catholic priest and chairman of the Czechoslovak People’s Party, and supreme functionary of the Board of pro-regime organisations (e.g. long-term vice-chairman of the Association of Czechoslovak Soviet Friendship), Josef Plojhar, was a distinctive figure in the political world of Communist Czechoslovakia during the first twenty years of its existence. He was one of the historically longest serving ministers of health and spent an unbelievable twenty years and one month in this position. He survived a number of political upheavals and purges within the terms of post-February Czechoslovakia. All this makes him an indisputably interesting figure, who has been neglected by previous historic research. This study is about the end of the climactic political career of this Catholic priest and chairman of the Czechoslovak People’s Party, who was Minister of Health from 1948 to 1968. His political downfall came about in connection with the Prague Spring in 1968.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 146
Author(s):  
M. Qomarul Huda

<p>This article will examine the cultural construction of the post-reform Islam has offered a variety of opportunities and challenges. Through content analysis and social hermeneutics (which is defined as a personal interpretation of the human as a social action, this study detects that the construction of the Islamic cultural post-reform is a form of political responses Islamic culture. Through cultural ideology, politicians take advantage of the cultural basis for the crawl political interests at the same time releasing its cultural organizations from the burden of political stigmatization that could happen someday. kulturalisasi Also the political process that the political process without developing Islamic symbols. bid with culture-based politics is beneficial but at the same harm on the other.</p>


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