Islamic Opposition to the Islamic State: The Jamaʿat-i Islami, 1977–88

1993 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-283 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr

Islamic revivalism is often believed to be solely committed to the Islamization of society, viewing politics as merely an instrument in the struggle to realize its aim. The record of Islamic revivalist movements—as exemplified by one of the oldest and most influential of them, the Jamaʿat-i Islami, or Islamic party of Pakistan—however, brings this presumption into question. The nature of the linkage between Islamic revivalism as a particular interpretive reading of Islam and politics is more complicated than is generally believed. Political interests, albeit still within an Islamic framework, play a more important and central role in the unfolding of revivalism—even overriding the commitment to Islamization—than is often ac knowledged. Participation in the political process eschews a blind commitment to Islamization and encourages adherence to organizational interests, and as is evi dent in the case of Pakistan, to the democratic process, characteristics that are not usually associated with Islamic movements. The dynamics and pace of this pro cess are controlled by the struggles for power within an Islamic movement as well as vis-à-vis the state. It is through grappling with these struggles that the commit ment to Islamization is weighed against the need to adhere to organizational and political interests; this is the process that governs the development of Islamic re vivalism. Beyond this general assertion, the manner in which the struggle for power unfolds, the variables that influence it, and the nature of its impact on the development of revivalism need to be explored further.

1987 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
Hasan Turabi

I. IntroductionAlthough I have been directly involved in a political process that seeks toestablish an Islamic state, I am not going to describe the forms that an Islamicgovernment might take in any particular country. Rather, I will try to describethe universal characteristics of an Islamic state. These derive from theteachings of the Qur'an as embodied in the political practice of the ProphetMuhammad (pbuh), and constitute an eternal model that Muslims are boundto adopt as a perfect standard for all time. The diversity of historical circumstances,however, in which they try to apply that ideal introduces anecessary element of relativity and imperfection in the practice of Islam.An Islamic state cannot be isolated from society, because Islam is a comprehensive,integrated way of life. The division between private and public,the state and society, which is familiar in Western culture, has not been knownin Islam. The state is only the political expression of an Islamic society. Youcannot have an Islamic state except insofar as you have an Islamic society.Any attempt at establishing a political order for the establishment of a genuineIslamic society would be the superimposition of laws over a reluctant society.This is not in the nature of religion; religion is based on sincere conviction andvoluntaiy compliance. Therefore an Islamic state evolves from an Islamicsociety. In certain areas, progress toward an Islamic society may be frustratedby political suppression. Whenever religious energy is thus suppresed, itbuilds up and ultimately erupts either in isolated acts of struggle or resistance,which are called terrorist by those in power, or in a revolution. In circumstanceswhere Islam is allowed free expression, social change takes placepeacefully and gradually, and the Islamic movement develops programs ofIslamization before it takes over the destiny of the state because Islamicthought - like all thought - only flourishes in a social environment of freedomand public consultation (shura) ...


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 167-188
Author(s):  
Abdu Mukhtar Musa

As in most Arab and Third World countries, the tribal structure is an anthropological reality and a sociological particularity in Sudan. Despite development and modernity aspects in many major cities and urban areas in Sudan, the tribe and the tribal structure still maintain their status as a psychological and cultural structure that frames patterns of behavior, including the political behavior, and influence the political process. This situation has largely increased in the last three decades under the rule of the Islamic Movement in Sudan, because of the tribe politicization and the ethnicization of politics, as this research reveals. This research is based on an essential hypothesis that the politicization of tribalism is one of the main reasons for the tribal conflict escalation in Sudan. It discusses a central question: Who is responsible for the tribal conflicts in Sudan?


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andang L Binawan

Blasphemy charges against Ahok (BasukiTjahajaPurnama), as he contested Jakarta’s gubernatorial election, turned into a test of how successful Islamic hardliners can be in exercising influence on the moderate Muslim majority. Ahok was the first Chinese Christian governor of Jakarta in the contemporary times enjoying immense popularity. His political rivals, who are a group of extreme Muslims, exploited religious sentiment to win the election. This governor election, then, seemingly became a battle between the moderate majority, who mostly support Ahok, and the hardliners, who are clearly outnumbered. This case points to the emergence of an iceberg appearing from the Islamic movement, some seventy years after the political independence of Indonesia. Though it does not indicate whether Indonesia will in the near future become an Islamic state, it is clear that the pendulum is swinging from the middle to the right. Responding to this recent development, minorities, especially Christians including Catholics, should redefine their place in Indonesia.


Author(s):  
Wan Ahmad Fahmi

AbstractPost-Islamism is a new trend that emerged in the work of political Islam after the emergence of Islamism in line with the demands of the requirements democracy. Thus, most of the Islamic movements worldwide give different interpretations of the concept of the Islamic state, the issue of implementing Islamic law and cooperation between the non-Muslims. The development of this trend began to produce the Islamists who support opinionated approach to post-Islamism in political Islam, including among Islamic movements in the country. The objective of this study to analyze the elements of post-Islamism thought in the Islamic movement in Malaysia. This study is qualitative. The method of collecting data using document analysis of journals, articles, theses, books and works of scholars who talk about the development of post-Islamism and the Islamist movement worldwide. Meanwhile, data analysis using descriptive and historical approach through content analysis. The study concluded that not only Islamic movements in the Middle East and West Asia receive thinking Post-Islamism, but Islamic movements in Malaysia was also impressed with the development of post-Islamism.Keywords: Post-Islamism, Islamic Movement, Democracy  AbstrakPasca Islamisme merupakan trend baharu yang timbul dalam gerak kerja politik Islam. Kemunculan Pasca Islamisme selari dengan tuntutan memenuhi kehendak demokrasi. Justeru, kebanyakan gerakan Islam seluruh dunia mulai berbeza tafsiran terhadap konsep negara Islam, isu pelaksanaan undang-undang Islam dan kerjasama antara Non-Muslim. Perkembangan trend ini melahirkan golongan Islamis yang mulai berpendirian menyokong pendekatan Pasca Islamisme dalam arena politik Islam termasuk dalam kalangan gerakan Islam di Malaysia. Objektif kajian ialah menganalisis unsur-unsur pemikiran Pasca Islamisme dalam gerakan Islam di Malaysia. Kajian ini merupakan kajian kualitatif. Kaedah pengumpulan data menggunakan metode analisis dokumen terhadap jurnal, artikel, tesis, buku, dan karya sarjana yang membicarakan tentang Pasca Islamisme dan perkembangan gerakan Islam seluruh dunia. Analisis data pula menggunakan metode deskriptif dan metode sejarah menerusi analisis kandungan. Dapatan kajian merumuskan bahawa bukan sahaja gerakan Islam di Timur Tengah dan Asia Barat menerima pemikiran Pasca Islamisme, tetapi gerakan-gerakan Islam di Malaysia juga turut terkesan dengan perkembangan Pasca Islamisme.Kata Kunci: Pasca Islamisme; Gerakan Islam; Demokrasi


Author(s):  
Russell J. Dalton

Previous scholarship has offered mixed opinions on how online activism will change patterns of political participation. Surveys of Americans in 2008 and 2012 provide empirical evidence on how people use the internet as a method of political participation. In some instances, internet activism substitutes for traditional offline forms of participation. But the opportunity for online participation also increases the active share of the public. As with other participation modes, the better educated are more likely to use online activity, which can further widen the participation gap. Social media are further changing how citizens participate in the political process by connecting individuals with shared political interests into communities of action.


Author(s):  
Nazar Jamil Abdulazeez

Since the parliamentary elections in 31st April 2014, the political process in Iraq described as a fragile, ethnic tension have mounted and security situation declined tremendously with the rises of Islamic State in Sunni Arab populated areas. Since 10th June 2014, over a million internally displaced people approached Iraqi Kurdistan Region in a two-week time period. More than 300,000 monitories, including Yazidi Kurds and Christians, have fled to Duhok city. Additionally, over 40,000 civilians Yazidis trapped for a week in the mountain of Snjar, running from Islamic State (IS). This text works out measures for accommodating conflicts and claims of Iraqi sectarian groups. In order to explore and assess application of those means in conflict accommodation in Iraq, first, this text analyses the conflict through identifying actors, outlines the structure of the conflict and change in the dynamic of the conflict over the time. Second section of this text, illustrates the means for reconciliation of different identities in the world of politics based on the conflict analysis.


Author(s):  
Hajira QAZI ◽  
Sofia BOSCH GOMEZ

Long-term, sustainable transitions cannot occur without working at the political level to address the serious, global political challenges we are facing today. However, the capacity of design as a rigorous component and complement of the political world is yet to be seen. In this paper we discuss surveys we conducted, showing that there is a clear discrepancy between how designers engage in the political process as citizens and as professionals. We also discuss a subsequent workshop which allowed survey participants to explore these questions of roles and agency in greater depth and offered insights into barriers and opportunities. We found the workshop to be an effective method of helping designers identify leverage points and courses to intervene within both the designer’s sphere of influence and sphere of concern. In so doing, we might begin to draw more designers into the critical work of designing for a transition towards more inclusive and equitable socio-political futures.


2009 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy L. Freedman

AbstractThis article explores the impact of Muslim organizations and Muslim political parties in Indonesia and Malaysia and their relationship to democracy. Questions addressed are as follows: How does the political system (broadly described) facilitate or constrain the goals of various Muslim organizations (both groups in society and political parties)? What roles do these Muslim organizations play in impacting politics and where (or in what areas of) in the political process are they most effective? Under what circumstances have Muslim associations and/or parties been a force for (or antagonistic to) democratization? Given the ethnic and regional diversity in Malaysia and Indonesia, the initial hypotheses for these questions are as follows: under authoritarian and semi-authoritarian rule Muslim organizations actually have greater opportunities to polarize rhetoric as they appeal to citizens based on claims of moral supremacy, fulfillment of social welfare needs, and some level of criticism of a restricted or corrupted political order. At different times the Pan-Malayan Islamic Association (PAS), the leading Muslim party in Malaysia (and a dominant opposition party) has had limited appeal to voters. Under more democratic conditions, Islamic groups or parties may need to moderate their appeals, and/or build coalitions with secular or non-Islamic groups in order to win power and influence in the larger political system. Muslim political parties exist in both Malaysia and Indonesia; their power and influence have varied over time. This project aims to explain why these parties have had more support at some times than others and under what conditions they may moderate their demands and policy choices to accommodate pluralist leanings.


Author(s):  
Vera G. Semenova ◽  
◽  
Olga S. Skorohodova ◽  
Pavel Yu. Zozulya ◽  
◽  
...  

The article is devoted to the study of the main institutionalized and informal practices of representation of national interests in the political process of modern Russia. By analyzing the process of aggregation of interests of the Bashkir ethnic group, studying the main forms and activities of Bashkir national and cultural organizations, as well as the channels of lobbying the interests of the Republican political elite at the federal level, the authors conclude that there is a serious dissonance between the official discourse and the real mechanisms of representation of national interests. The process of politicization of “ethnicity”, which began in the 90s of the last century, led to the transformation of the national factor into a serious tool for building relations within the “center – regions” system, as well as to the replacement of the interests of ethnic groups with the economic and political interests of regional national elites. This circumstance, in its turn, leads to the priority of non-institutionalized forms of representation of national interests in the political process.


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